Sexual violence with special emphasis on sexual aggression in Oromia Regional State in Ethiopia

By Dr. Baro Keno | February 6, 2015

Love and Honour for our living and fallen heroes who resisted any barbarian act against Oromo nation

Addee Asli Oromo: The first woman in the history of Ethiopian Empire that sentenced to death because of her political vision about Oromo people but released after 18 years in prison as a result of international communities campaign.

Addee Urjii Dhaabaa: Is one out of many Oromo Women that survived sexual aggression of Ethiopian government military force, police and security agents.

Thank you Mr, Chairman
Your excellences member of the European parliament, Dear participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, my most heartfelt thanks are extended to the Organising Committee of this seminar. I am particularly grateful to my informants Asli Oromo, Urjii Dhaabaa, Ilfinesh Qano and Dinkinesh Dhereessaa whom I am able to speak to about the agony they endured and who also morally supported of the Oromo women survivors of sexual violence who able to speak to them while their stay in Ethiopian Prison.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Ethiopia is the tenth largest country in Africa and it is the second most populated country in Africa with projected population of 100 million by 2020. It has a number of nations/ nationalities with distinct culture. Ethiopia consists of peoples speaking more than 80 different languages (CSA, 2006)[1]. Currently, Ethiopia is classified into nine regional states. Oromia is the largest regional state in land mass and population. Ecologically and agriculturally Oromia region is the richest region in the Horn of Africa. Oromos are accounted for more than 45% of the population of the Ethiopian empire. The populationsize of the Oromo people and their resources makes Oromia the heart of Ethiopia. Failure and progress in Oromia regional state is grossly contribute to the failure and progress to Ethiopia.

Ogaden community in Kenya keeps eye on upcoming Ethiopian May 2015 election

By Ahmed Abdi | January 31, 2015

Ahmed Sadik, Head of the Ogaden Refugee Council

Kenya-Ogaden Community in Kenya are doing all possible precautions as they keep on eye on the upcoming Ethiopia elections on 15 May,2015. 

 

Eng. Ahmed Sadik, Head of the Ogaden Refugee Council, has urged the communities and refugee leaders in Kenya to be precautious. 

 

“It is time the communities and refugee leadership to be vigilant and think carefully about who they see,” he said on Wednesday. 

 

Speaking with Radio Xoriyo also known as Radio Freedom, he said Ethiopia exports its domestic problems to the neighboring countries like Kenya, Djibouti and Somalia whenever it feels the burden. 

 

“For Ethiopia, it never be ashamed of attacking refugees mainly Ogaden, Anuak and Oromo community leaders that have fled from its army brutality as the case of the 2010 elections.” 

 

” For instance, when Ethiopian elections was happening in 2010, Ethiopian Security Forces attempted to kill activists, opposition figures and community leaders from Ogaden region, Oromia and Gambella,” Sadik said. 

 

Sadik added that EPRDF-dominated government will get elect itself and that nothing good expects to happen for the May 2015 election.

 

Sadik called on the government of Kenya to be aware activities of Ethiopian assailants and those conspiring with them to ensure that they would not harm any one without the knowledge of Kenya. 

 

The Ogaden community in Kenya numbers approximately 120,000, of whom 100,000 are registered with the UNHCR.

 

Ethiopian assailants occasionally kidnap or kill opposition members within Kenyan soil. 26 January 2014, Sulub Abdi Ahmed and Ali Ahmed Hussein  were abducted by Ethiopian Secret Agents. The two officials were in Kenya to facilitate peace talks with the Ethiopian government.

 

Human Rights Watch accused the Ethiopia’s government of systematically cracking down on media ahead of the May 2015 election. 

 

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn  asked Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to act as mediator with the ONLF taking advantage of  Erdogan’s visit to Ethiopia, according to Africa Intelligence. 

 

ONLF was founded in 1984, and it has been engaging army struggle with the Ethiopian troops stationed in Ogaden region since 1994, after the Ethiopian government cracked down its members, following after Ogaden parliament overwhelmingly voted yes for

ኢትዮጵያ፡ መገናኛ-ብዙሃን በመጥፋት ላይ ናቸው

መነሻ ገጽ January 22, 2015 Leave a comment

በግንቦት ወር ከሚካሄደው ምርጫ አስቀድሞ የህግ እና የፖሊሲ ማሻሻያ ማድረግ ወሳኝ ነው

(ናይሮቢ ጃንዋሪ 22፣ 2015 ዓ.ም.) – የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ነጻ መገናኛ ብዙሃን ላይ በሚፈጽመው ስልታዊ ጫና ምክንያት ከግንቦት 2007ቱ ምርጫ አስቀድሞ ሃሳብን የመግለጽ ነጻነት ላይ ተስፋ አሰቆራጭ ሁኔታ ተፈጥሯል ሲል ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች ዛሬ ባወጣው ሪፖርት አስታወቀ። ባለፈው ዓመት መንግስት የጥቃት ዘመቻ ካካሄደባቸው በኋላ ስድስት የግል የህትመት መገናኛ-ብዙሃን ተዘግተዋል፣ ቢያንስ 22 ጋዜጠኞች፣ ጦማሪያን እና አሳታሚዎች በወንጀል ተከሰዋል እንዲሁም ከ30 በላይ ጋዜጠኞች አፋኝ የሆኑ ህጎችን መሰረት አድርጎ ሊፈጸምባቸው የሚችልን እስር በመፍራት ሃገር ለቀው ተሰደዋል፡፡

“’ጋዜጠኝነት ወንጀል አይደለም’፡ የመገናኛ-ብዙሃን የመብት ጥሰት በኢትዮጵያ” በሚል የቀረበው ባለ 76 ገጹ ሪፖርት የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት እ.ኤ.አ. ከ2010 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ነጻ ጋዜጠኝነትን እንዴት እንዳሽመደመደው በዝርዝር አቅርቧል፡፡ እ.ኤ.አ. ከግንቦት 2013 ዓ.ም. እስከ ታህሳስ 2014 ዓ.ም. ድረስ ባለው ጊዜ ወስጥ ከ70 በላይ በስራ ላይ ያሉ እና የተሰደዱ ጋዜጠኞችን ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች ቃለ-መጠይቅ ሃሳብን የመግለጽ ነጻነታቸውን ስለተገበሩ ብቻ 19 ጋዜጠኞች እንዲታሰሩ እ.ኤ.አ. ከ2010 ዓ.ም. ጀምሮ ከ60 የሚበልጡ ሌሎች ደግሞ ሀገር ለቀው እንዲሰደዱ ያደረገውን የመንግስትን አንድ ወጥነት ያለው የጫና ማሳደር አፈጻጸም ሂደት መረዳት ለመረዳት ችሏል።

“የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ነጻ መገናኛ-ብዙሃንን ጠቃሚ የመረጃ እና ትንታኔ ምንጭ አድርጎ ከመውሰድ ይልቅ የስጋት ምንጭ አድርጎ በመቁጠር በሃገሪቱ የሚገኙ ነጻ ድምጾች ላይ ስልታዊ በሆነ መንገድ ጥቃት ይፈጽማል::” ያሉት የሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች የአፍሪካ ምክትል ዳይሬክተር ሌስሊ ሌፍኮው “የኢትዮጵያ መገናኛ-ብዙሃን ለግንቦቱ ምርጫ ወሳኝ ሚና መጫወት አለባቸው፤ ነገርግን በርካታ ጋዜጠኞች የሚቀጥለው ጽሁፋቸው እስር ቤት ያስወረውረናል በሚል ስጋት ውስጥ ነው የሚገኙት።’’ ብለዋል።

አብዛኛዎቹ የኢትዮጵያ የህትመት፣ የቴሌቪዥን እና ሬድዬ ስርጭቶች በመንግስት ቁጥጥር ስር ናቸው፤ የቀሩት ጥቂት የግል የህትመት መገናኛ-ብዙሃን የመዘጋት እጣ እንዳይደርስባቸው ከመፍራት የተነሳ በአሳሳቢ ፖለቲካዊ ጉዳዮች ዙሪያ ለሚሰሯቸው ዘገባዎች ብዙውን ጊዜ በራሳቸው ላይ ቅድመ-ምርመራ ያደርጋሉ፡፡

እ.ኤ.አ. በ2014 ዓ.ም. የተዘጉት ስድስት ነጻ የህትመት መገናኛ-ብዙሃን በመንግስት ባለቤትነት በተያዘው የቴሌቪዥን ጣቢያ ህትመቶቹ ከአሸባሪ ቡድኖች ጋር ግንኙነት አላቸው የሚል ውንጀላ ያለበት ዘገባን ጨምሮ ረዘም ላለ ጊዜ የማሸማቀቂያ ዘመቻ ሲካሄድባቸው ቆይቷል፡፡ ማሸማቀቂያው በህትመቶቹ የስራ ባልደረቦች ላይ ዛቻ እና ማስፈራሪያ ማድረስ፣ በማተሚያ ቤቶች እና አከፋፋዮች ላይ አሉታዊ ጫና መፍጠር፣ የፈቃድ አሰጣጥና እድሳትን ማዘግየት ብሎም በአዘጋጆቹ ላይ የወንጀል ህግ መመስረትን ያካትታል። በደርዘኖች የሚቆጠሩ ሰራተኞች ሃገር ለቀው ተሰደዋል፡፡ ሶስት የህትመት ባለቤቶች የወንጀል ህጉን በመጣስ ጥፋተኛ የተባሉ ሲሆን እያንዳንዳቸው ከሶስት ዓመት በሚበልጥ እስራት እንዲቀጡ በሌሉበት ተፈርዶባቸዋል፡፡ ለክሱ ማስረጃ ሆነው የቀረቡባቸው የመንግስት ፖሊሲዎችን በመተቸት ያተሟቸው ጽሁፎች ናቸው።

ጥቂት ከፍ ያለ ታዋቂነት ያላቸው የኢትዮጵያ ጋዜጠኞች ላይ የሚደርሰው ስቃይ በስፋት የታወቀ ሲሆን በደርዘኖች የሚቆጠሩ በአዲስ አበባ እና በክልሎች የሚገኙ ሌሎች ጋዜጠኞች በደህንነት ባለስልጣናት ስልታዊ ጥቃት ይፈጸምባቸዋል።

በጋዜጠኞች ላይ የሚደርሰው ጥቃት ተመሳሳይ አካሄድ ያለው ነው ያለው ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች፤ ትችት ያዘሉ ዘገባዎችን የሚጽፉ ጋዜጠኞች ዛቻ ያለበት የስልክ ጥሪ እና የአጭር ጽሁፍ የስልክ መልዕክት ይደርሳቸዋል፤ እንዲሁም የደህንነት ባለስልጣናት እና የገዢው ፓርቲ ካድሬዎች ወደ ስራና መኖሪያ ቤታቸው በመሄድ ያስፈራሯቸዋል። አንዳንዶቹ በመቶዎች የሚቆጠሩ እንደዚህ አይነት ማስፈራሪያዎች እንደደረሱባቸው ተናግረዋል፡፡ እንደእዚህ የአይነት ማስፈራሪያዎች ጸጥ ሊያሰኟቸው አሊያም በራሳቸው ላይ ቅደመ-ምርመራ እንዲያካሂዱ ሊሸማቅቋቸው ካልቻሉ አብዛኛውን ጊዜ ማስፈራሪያው የበለጠ ተጠናክሮ ይቀጥላል አሊያም እስር ይከተላል፡፡ በአብዛኛው ከሽብር ጋር በተያያዙ ክሶች የጥፋተኝነት ውሳኔ የተላለፈባቸው እና ፍትሃዊ ያልሆነ እና በተራዘመ የፍርድ ሂደት ያለፉ ጋዜጠኞች የወንጀል ጉዳዮች ላይ የፍርድ ቤቶች ገለልተኛነት እመብዛም ነው ወይም ጭራሹንም የለም።

“ተገቢ ባልሆኑ የወንጀል ክሶች እና ሌሎች ማሸማቀቂያ መንገዶች ነጻ ድምጾችን በማፈን ኢትዮጵያ በዓለም ላይ ከፍተኛ ቁጥር ያላቸውን ጋዜጠኞች ከሚያስሩ ሀገሮች አንዷ እየሆነች ነው፡፡” የሚሉት ሌፍኮው “መንግስት ያለአግባብ የታሰሩ ጋዜጠኞችን ባስቸኳይ መፍታት አለበት እንዲሁም የመገናኛ-ብዙሃን ነጻነትን ለመጠበቅ የህግ ማሻሻያ ማድረግ አለበት፡፡”ብለዋል።

በኢትዮጵያ የሚገኙ አብዛኞቹ የሬድዮ እና የቴሌቪዥን ጣቢያዎች ከመንግስት ጋር ትስስር ያላቸው ናቸው፣ መንግስት ከሚያራምዳቸው አቋሞች ብዙም አያፈነግጡም፤ እንዲያውም የመንግስት ፖሊሲዎችን ያስተዋውቃሉ፣ የልማት ውጤቶችን ያወድሳሉ፡፡ ከ80 በመቶ የሚበልጠው የኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ የሚኖረው በገጠራማ አካባቢዎች በመሆኑ እና ሬድዮ እስከአሁን ድረስ ዋናው የዜና እና መረጃ ማግኛ ምንጭ ከመሆኑ አንጻር ሬድዮን መቆጣጠር ለፖለቲካው ከፍተኛ አስፈለጊነት አለው። የፖለቲካ ክስተቶችን የሚዘግቡ ጥቂት የግል ሬድዮ ጣቢያዎችም በአካባቢ የመንግስት ባለስልጣናት ስራዎቻቸው የሚታረሙበት እና ለስርጭት የቅድሚያ ፈቃድ የሚያገኙበት አሰራር አለ። ፈቃድ ካገኘው ይዘት የሚያፈነግጡ አሰራጮች ጥቃትና ወከባ ይደርስባቸዋል፣ ይታሰራሉ፣ በበርካታ አጋጣሚዎችም ሃገር ለቀው ለመሰደድ ይገደዳሉ።

መንግስት በዲያስፖራ ባለቤትነት የተያዙ የውጭ የሬድዮ እና የቴሌቪዥን ስርጭቶች አየር ሞገዶችን በተደጋጋሚ ያፍናል፤ ድረ-ገጾቻቸውንም ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ እንዳይታዩ ያደርጋል።፡፡ ለእነዚህ ብሮድካስተሮች የሚሰሩ ሰራተኞች ዛቻ እና ማስፈራሪያ ይደርስባቸዋል፤ እንዲሁም የመረጃ ምንጮቻቸው እና በዓለም ዓቀፍ መገናኛ-ብዙሃን ቃለመጠይቅ የተደረገላቸው ሰዎች ማስፈራሪያ ይደርሳቸዋል። እነዚህን ስርጭቶች የተመለከቱ ወይም ያዳመጡ ሰዎችም ጭምር ለእስር ተዳርገዋል፡፡

መንግስት የጋዜጠኞች ማህበራት ለመመስረት የሚደረግ ጥረትን በማደናቀፍ፣ ለግል መገናኛ-ብዙሃን የሚሰጥ ፈቃድ ወይንም እድሳትን በማዘግየት፣ ባሉት ጥቂት ማተሚያ ቤቶች እና አከፋፋዮች ላይ አሉታዊ ጫና በማሳደር እንዲሁም በመንግስት መገናኛ-ብዙሃን የስራ ቅጥርን ከገዢው ፓርቲ አባልነት ጋር በማያያዝ በርካታ በግልጽ የማይታዩ ግን ደግሞ ውጤታማ የሆኑ አስተዳደራዊ እና ከቁጥጥር ጋር የተያያዙ ገደቦችንም ስራ ላይ ያውላል።

ማህበራዊ ድረገጾችም ከፍተኛ ገደብ ይደረግባቸዋል፤ እንዲሁም በዲያስፖራዎች የሚመሩ በርካታ የኢንተርኔት ጦማሮች እና ድረ-ገጾች ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ እንዳይታዩ ተደርገዋል። በሚያዚያ ወር ዞን ዘጠኝ በመባል የሚታወቁ እና በሃገሪቱ ማህበራዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ እና ሌሎች ጉዳዮች ዙሪያ በተለይ ለወጣት ኢትዮጵያዊያን ትንታኔ የሚያቀርቡ የኢንተርኔት ጦማሪያን ስብስብ አባላት የሆኑ ስድስት ጦማሪያንን መንግስት አስሯል። በሃገሪቱ የጸረ-ሽብር አዋጅ እና የወንጀል ህግ መሰረትም ክስ ተመስርቶባቸዋል። ከሌሎች ታዋቂ ጋዜጠኞች ጋር በአንድነት እየታየ የሚገኘው ክሳቸው ፍትሃዊ የፍርድ ሂደትን ሊያዛቡ የሚችሉ በርካታ ግድፈቶች ተስተውለውበታል። እ.ኤ.አ. በጃንዋሪ 14 የፍርድ ሂደቱ ለ16ኛ ጊዜ ቀጠሮ ተሰጥቶበታል። ተከሳሾቹም ከ260 ቀናት በላይ በእስር ላይ ይገኛሉ፡፡ የዞን ዘጠኝ ጦማሪያን እስር እና ክስ በተለይ ተችት የሚያቀርቡ ጦማሪያን እና የኢንተርኔት ላይ ተሟጋቾችን ጨምሮ በኢትዮጵያ ሃሳብን የመግለጽ ነጻነት ላይ የፍርሃት ድባብ እንዲሰፍን አድርጓል።

እየጨመረ የመጣው መገናኛ-ብዙሃን ላይ የሚፈጸም አሉታዊ ጫና በግንቦት ወር በሚካሄደው ምርጫ የሚኖረውን የመገናኛ-ብዙሃን ይዞታ ያለጥርጥር ይጎዳዋል ብሏል ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች፡፡

“ከግንቦቱ ምርጫ አስቀድሞ መንግስት የመገናኛ-ብዙሃን ነጻነትን በተመለከተ ከፍተኛ ማሻሻያ ለማድረግ አሁንም ጊዜ አለው::” ያሉት ሌፍኮው “አፋኝ ህጎችን ለማረም እና የታሰሩ ጋዜጠኞችን ለመፍታት የሚያስፈልገው የፖለቲካ ቁርጠኝነት እንጂ ረጅም ጊዜ ወይንም ከፍተኛ ሃብት አይደለም፡፡” ብለዋል።

“የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ነጻ መገናኛ-ብዙሃንን ጠቃሚ የመረጃ እና ትንታኔ ምንጭ አድርጎ ከመውሰድ ይልቅ የስጋት ምንጭ አድርጎ በመቁጠር በሃገሪቱ የሚገኙ ነጻ ድምጾች ላይ ስልታዊ በሆነ መንገድ ጥቃት ይፈጽማል። የኢትዮጵያ መገናኛ-ብዙሃን ለግንቦቱ ምርጫ ወሳኝ ሚና መጫወት አለባቸው፤ ነገርግን በርካታ ጋዜጠኞች የሚቀጥለው ጽሁፋቸው እስር ቤት ያስወረውረናል በሚል ስጋት ውስጥ ነው የሚገኙት።”
ያሉት የሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች የአፍሪካ ምክትል ዳይሬክተር ሌስሊ ሌፍኮው

Ethiopia is One of the Top Ten Worst Jailers of Journalists

December 17, 2014

More than 200 journalists are imprisoned for their work for the third consecutive year, reflecting a global surge in authoritarianism. China is the world’s worst jailer of journalists in 2014. A CPJ special report by Shazdeh Omari.

The Committee to Protect Journalists identified 220 journalists in jail around the world in 2014, an increase of nine from 2013. The tally marks the second-highest number of journalists in jail since CPJ began taking an annual census of imprisoned journalists in 1990, and highlights a resurgence of authoritarian governments in countries such as China, Ethiopia, Burma, and Egypt.

China’s use of anti-state charges and Iran’s revolving door policy in imprisoning reporters,

bloggers, editors, and photographers earned the two countries the dubious distinction of being the world’s worst and second worst jailers of journalists, respectively. Together, China and Iran are holding a third of journalists jailed globally—despite speculation that new leaders who took the reins in each country in 2013 might implement liberal reforms.

The 44 journalists in Chinese jails are a jump from 32 the previous year, and reflect the pressure that President Xi Jinping has exerted on media, lawyers, dissidents, and academics to toe the government line. In addition to jailing journalists, Beijing has issued restrictive new rules about what can be covered and denied visas to international journalists. Coverage of ethnic minority issues continues to be sensitive; almost half of those jailed are Tibetan or Uighur, including academic and blogger Ilham Tohti and seven students imprisoned for working on his website, Uighurbiz. Twenty-nine of the journalists behind bars in China were held on anti-state charges. (Read detailed accounts of each imprisoned journalist here.)

The administration of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has also maintained repressive measures against the press. This year, Iranian authorities were holding 30 journalists in jail, down from 35 in 2013 and a record high of 45 in 2012. CPJ’s 2014 International Press Freedom Award winner Siamak Ghaderi was released from prison in July, but that same month, Iranian authorities jailed Jason Rezaian, a Washington Post reporter. By late 2014, the government had still not disclosed the reason for Rezaian’s arrest or the nature of charges against him.

The list of the top 10 worst jailers of journalists was rounded out by Eritrea, Ethiopia, Vietnam, Syria, Egypt, Burma, Azerbaijan, and Turkey. The prison census accounts only for journalists in government custody and does not include those in the captivity of nonstate groups. For example, CPJ estimates that approximately 20 journalists are missing in Syria, many of whom are believed held by the militant group Islamic State.

Turkey, which was the world’s worst jailer in 2012 and 2013, released dozens of journalists this year, bringing to seven the number of journalists behind bars on the date of CPJ’s census. However, on December 14, Turkey detained several more journalists—along with television producers, scriptwriters, and police officers—and accused them of conspiring against the Turkish state, according to news reports. The detentions were born of a political struggle between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling party and the movement led by U.S.-based cleric Fethullah Gülen, and included the editor-in-chief of one of Turkey’s largest dailies, Zaman, which is aligned with Gülen.

In Eritrea, which has consistently ranked among the world’s worst jailers and is ranked third this year, authorities are holding 23 journalists, all without charge, and have refused to disclose the prisoners’ health or whereabouts. In 2014, CPJ conducted a fresh investigation into the status of long-held prisoners in the extremely repressive country; the probe led to the addition or removal of a handful of cases but yielded little information about many of those long jailed.

A state crackdown on independent publications and bloggers in Ethiopia this year more than doubled the number of journalists imprisoned to 17 from seven the previous year, and prompted several journalists to flee into exile, according to CPJ research.

For the first time since 2011, Burma had journalists in jail on the date of CPJ’s census: at least 10 were imprisoned, all on anti-state charges. In July, five staff members of the Unity weekly news journal were sentenced to 10 years in prison each under the 1923 Official Secrets Act. Rather than reforming draconian and outdated security laws, President Thein Sein’s government is using the laws to imprison journalists.

In Azerbaijan, authorities were jailing nine journalists, up one from the previous year. Amid a crackdown on traditional media, some activists took to social networking sites in an attempt to give the public an alternative to state media. CPJ’s list does not include at least four activists imprisoned in Azerbaijan this year for creating and managing Facebook groups on which they and others posted a mix of commentary and news articles about human rights abuses and allegations of widespread corruption.

Egypt more than doubled its number of journalists behind bars to at least 12, including three journalists from the international network Al-Jazeera.

In recent years, journalist jailings in the Americas have become increasingly rare, with one documented in each 2012 and 2013. This year, the region has two: a Cuban blogger was sentenced to five years in prison in retaliation for his critical blog, and in Mexico, an independent journalist and activist for Mayan causes has been charged with sedition.

Other trends and details that emerged in CPJ’s research include:

The 220 journalists jailed around the world compares with the 211 CPJ documented behind bars in 2013. The 2014 tally ranks the second highest behind 2012, when CPJ documented 232 journalists jailed in relation to their work.

Worldwide, 132 journalists, or 60 percent, were jailed on anti-state charges such as subversion or terrorism­. That is far higher than any other type of charge, such as defamation or insult, but roughly in line with the proportion of anti-state charges in previous years.Twenty percent, or 45, of the journalists imprisoned globally were being held with no charge disclosed.

Online journalists accounted for more than half, or 119, of the imprisoned journalists. Eighty-three worked in print, 15 in radio, and 14 in television.
Roughly one-third, or 67, of the journalists in jail around the world were freelancers, around the same proportion as in 2013.

The number of prisoners rose in Eritrea, Ethiopia, China, Bangladesh, Thailand, Azerbaijan, Bahrain, Egypt, Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and Saudi Arabia. Countries that appeared on the 2014 prison census after jailing no journalists in the 2013 survey were Cameroon, Swaziland, Mexico, Cuba, Burma, and Belarus.

CPJ defines journalists as people who cover the news or comment on public affairs in media, including print, photographs, radio, television, and online. In its annual prison census, CPJ includes only those journalists who it has confirmed have been imprisoned in relation to their work.

CPJ believes that journalists should not be imprisoned for doing their jobs. The organization has sent letters expressing its serious concerns to each country that has imprisoned a journalist. In the past year, CPJ advocacy led to the early release of at least 41 imprisoned journalists worldwide.

CPJ’s list is a snapshot of those incarcerated at 12:01 a.m. on December 1, 2014. It does not include the many journalists imprisoned and released throughout the year; accounts of those cases can be found at http://www.cpj.org. Journalists remain on CPJ’s list until the organization determines with reasonable certainty that they have been released or have died in custody.

Journalists who either disappear or are abducted by nonstate entities such as criminal gangs or militant groups are not included on the prison census. Their cases are classified as “missing” or “abducted.”

Shazdeh Omari is CPJ’s news editor. She was the former copy chief for The Village Voice and has worked as a reporter and editor in the United States and Greece.

CPJ Report

Former US Diplomat Calls for Free, Fair Elections in Ethiopia

Monday, December 22, 2014

Former US Diplomat Calls for Free, Fair Elections in Ethiopia

FILE – Ethiopian migrants, all members of the Oromo community of Ethiopia living in Malta, protest against the Ethiopian regime.

December 22, 2014 (VOA News) — Former US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Herman Cohen said Ethiopia should not be afraid to have free and fair elections or a free press.

Cohen said the government is doing good things that it can win an election on, such as creating jobs, carrying on infrastructure development and boosting trade. But he cautioned that the government has made no move to implement his suggestions.

“Ethiopia, I believe, should open up more toward multiparty democracy. Right now, you have opposition parties that exist, but they really do not have much access to the public. The press really does not give them much voice, and journalists have been imprisoned for saying things that the government doesn’t like. So, I think it’s time for the government to loosen up because they are doing good things in Ethiopia,” he said.

But Berhanu Nega, professor of economics at Bucknell University and former leader of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy in Ethiopia, said the government can never have free and fair elections.

“The reason why there’s so much repression, the reason why there’s so much muzzling of the press, the reason why the Ethiopian government is arresting opposition figures inside the country is precisely because they know that this is a despised government. It cannot last a day in an environment of freedom. This is a government that will lose catastrophically if there were [a] free and fair election,” Nega said.

Cohen also said he wanted to set the record straight about his recommendation during a London Conference on Ethiopia and Eritrea and Port Assab.

He said he did not say the port belongs to Ethiopia, contrary to what some in Ethiopia had attributed to him, and that he only recommended Ethiopia and Eritrea maintain a common economic union after Eritrea’s independence allowing Ethiopia to use the port.

“There are some people in Ethiopia who said that during the London Conference of 1991 I recommended that the Port of Assab belonged to Ethiopia. This is not correct. What I recommended was Ethiopia and Eritrea maintain a common economic union after Eritrea’s independence and, in that way, Ethiopia could use the Port of Assab,” he said.

Cohen said that before the war of 1998, Ethiopia used a section of the port for their imports and exports, which means that Assab did not belong to Ethiopia, but it had access to an exclusive zone.

He said the port should be the sovereign territory of Eritrea, but that Ethiopia should have the right to use it.

Diaspora Speaks for Deliberately Silenced Oromos; Ethiopian Government Responds to UN Review

Minnesota Oromos and allies rally at the Minnesota State Capitol on May 9

When students in Ethiopia started protesting last month against the Ethiopian Government’s proposal to annex territory from the state of Oromia to facilitate the expansion of the capital city Addis Ababa, diasporans mobilized to show their solidarity. As federal “Agazi” security forces cracked down, opening fire on peaceful protesters, placing students on lock-down in their dormitories, and conducting mass arrests, Oromos around the world staged rallies and hunger strikes to raise international awareness and to call on the governments of the countries where they live to withhold aid and put pressure on the Ethiopian Government to respect human rights.

In the first three posts in this series, I discussed the Oromo diaspora’s mobilization to shed light on the human rights violations on the ground, the sharp criticism the government of Ethiopia faced during the Universal Periodic Review on May 6, and the steps the Oromo diaspora in Minnesota is taking to show solidarity and press for accountability in Ethiopia. This final post tells some of the stories of Oromos in the diaspora who have spoken with friends and family on the ground in Oromia about events over the past three weeks, and also covers the Ethiopian government’s formal response to the UN review and offers some suggestions for next steps.

Not “voiceless,” but deliberately silenced by Ethiopian government
“We need to be a voice for the voiceless” has been a common refrain from the diaspora. But in my view, the students and others who are protesting in Ethiopia are far from voiceless. They have been bravely marching, placing their lives and academic careers on the line, to express their opposition to the government’s “Integrated Development Master Plan for Addis Ababa.” In the words of 2004 Sydney Peace Prize winnerArundhati Roy, “there’s really no such thing as the ‘voiceless.’ There are only the deliberately silenced, or the preferably unheard.”

The government controls the media and telecommunications in Ethiopia, effectively placing a stranglehold on open debate and criticism of the government. Historically, efforts by western media, including CNN, to cover events on the ground in Ethiopia have been stymied. The government’s repression and intimidation also create obstacles for independent journalists trying to cover the story from outside the country. I spoke with one U.S.-based reporter who covers the Horn of Africa, and he explained that when he tried to confirm casualty reports, hospital personnel in Ethiopia refused to speak to him, fearing for their jobs.

The Oromia Media Network (OMN), a Minnesota-based satellite news network that has been covering the student protests, offering commentary, and dedicating attention to the diaspora response, reported that on May 2, the Ethiopian government blocked access to its website, and on May 13,  began jamming OMN’s satellite transmission. Oromos in Ethiopia have turned to the OMN Facebook page, urging, “Please send us a new frequency.”

The Ethiopian government even attempts to silence social media. One Oromo messaged me on Facebook from an internet cafe in Addis Ababa, but he said that he didn’t feel safe going into too much detail, fearing that the government or people in the cafe were monitoring his communications.

He’s not being paranoid, and the OMN experience is nothing new. The government has used its monopoly control over telecommunications to conduct surveillance of regime opponents, as well as to block websites of opposition groups, media sites, and bloggers. Speaking of bloggers critical of the Ethiopian government, since The Advocates for Human Rights launched this blog series on May 5, I’ve been pleased to see a huge spike in visitors from Ethiopia. We’ve had over 700 views from Ethiopia, and so far there’s no sign that the government is blocking access to The Advocates Post. We’ll keep our fingers crossed.

On May 5, I had a conversation with an Oromo in London who had just spoken with his sister, who the day before had fled to Addis Ababa from Madawalabu University in Bale Robe. She reported that the military had started beating students who were demonstrating at the university. She told her brother that students were unable to get the word out because cell phone and internet service had been turned off. She saw forces kill one student, but feared that there were more casualties. She was able to share the news with her brother only because she had fled 430 kilometers (267 miles) to the capital, where the phones hadn’t been shut off.

New reports that Ethiopian government is inciting inter-ethnic violence
I’ve read reports on social media that the Ethiopian government is provoking inter-ethnic violence by spreading false reports of attacks and planned attacks. With no independent media, it’s safe to conclude that

Flags of the Oromo and Ogaden people were on display at the May 9 rally in St. Paul, Minnesota

any reports on official media outlets in Ethiopia reflect the government’s efforts to shape perceptions of reality. When a vacuum exists where independent media should be, rumors—some likely fed by the government—can create fear and misunderstanding.

Outside Ethiopia, diasporans are actively combating efforts to divide opposition voices along ethnic lines. At the three-day rally at the Minnesota State Capitol in the United States, flags of the Ogaden ethnic group were proudly displayed beside Oromo flags. One of the chants was “Oromo, Ogaden, united, we’ll never be defeated!” And Oromos in the diaspora are urging their compatriots to target their protests at the Ethiopian Government, rather than at members of particular ethnic groups.

Diaspora ties are a lifeline for getting the word out

Federal “Agazi” security forces at Jimma University, where some of the first student protests took place. Photo credit: @mt21bmn, twitter.

The Ethiopian government is incapable of eradicating the close ties between the Oromo diaspora and Oromos in Ethiopia, and those ties have become a lifeline to get the word out. Here’s just some of what I’ve heard:

• One Oromo family living in Minnesota has been sponsoring a student who attends Ambo University, helping his family cover his tuition and fees. On May 1, the Minnesota family received a tragic call. The student had been peacefully protesting with his friends and dormitory roommates when police opened fire, gunning him down. The friends called his family in Oromia to report that he had been killed, and the family called the sponsors in Minnesota to share the sad news. The report from the student’s friends was critical, because the government hadn’t released the young man’s body to his family.
• Another Oromo had spoken with family members who directly witnessed events in Ambo. They reported seeing at least 30 student protesters killed. They also told of many local, Oromo police officers refusing to participate in the violence, and most of those officers were taken to jail en masse. Another Oromo reported a similar situation for Oromo police officers in the town of Nekemte.
• I spoke in person with an Oromo who has a personal connection to Ambo University. He requested that I not share the nature of that connection, for fear that it would place people in danger. A few days after the shootings, he heard from friends in Ambo that people had just discovered three bodies of protesters who had been discarded in the woods adjoining the university.
• I spoke with another Oromo living in the United Kingdom who said he had been following the situation in Oromia closely through social media. He spoke with his family in Bale Robe on May 5, who reported that on May 2, they saw security forces haul away two trucks full of student demonstrators. People in Bale Robe don’t know where the students were taken. And his family also reported that in a village nearby Bale Robe, villagers had risen up because of the crackdown on students, prompting security forces to take over the village on the night of May 1 and beat the villagers. One pupil who fled to Bale Robe had reported what had happened. Another Oromo living in the United States reported that 40 people who were injured at Madawalabu University and in Bale Robe were hospitalized, some in critical condition. He also reported that federal security forces were searching homes in neighboring villages to try to hunt down students who had participated in the protests.
• A Minnesotan Oromo told me that her cousin, an agriculture student at Alemaya University, reported that he was not allowed to leave the dorm to go back to his family. Oromos in Minnesota heard similar reports from students at Haramaya University, who reported that they were being detained in their dormitory rooms and were not allowed to leave. One Oromo reported that on May 7 police forcibly dispersed a protest by high school students in Haramaya and arrested 15 students.
• One Oromo in the diaspora has forwarded me a steady stream of graphic photos of victims, along with photos from protests, notices at universities in Oromia cancelling classes, and a document from the mayor of Addis Ababa cancelling a request for a protest. One notice from the administration at Asella medical school called for an emergency meeting to try to prevent a protest planned by students and staff. He reported that the students and staff rejected the call and decided to go ahead with the protest as planned. In Nagelle, he reports, 47 students were arrested after they asked school administrators for permission to stage protests.
• A college teacher who had previously been jailed for over two years after being swept up in mass arrests reported via email that people in western Oromia had fled to the bush to save their lives. He said that there was a great deal of tension in the capital city as students at Addis Ababa University were gearing up for another round of protests.
• One Oromo in the diaspora reported that 26 students from Addis Ababa University had been confirmed as arrested, and that hundreds of students were leaving campus because of harassment from security forces.
• Another person on the ground sent some encouraging words: “I am hearing [about] the protest going on in Minnesota by [the] Oromo diaspora, it is very energizing. Please help and stand by us. Please don’t be silent in this tough time.”
• One Oromo in the diaspora reported that he had learned from credible sources on the ground that “the crackdown against Oromo students has intensified.” On May 14, three protesters from Wollega University were killed and over 200 wounded by security forces in Nekemte Najjo, in western Oromia. On May 15, 152 protesters were wounded in the western Oromia town of Najjo, and large numbers were injured in the nearby town of Gorii. On May 16, nine students in Adama were expelled for life, and eight more were barred from school for five years. Nine students were detained and their whereabouts was unknown.
• Another Oromo diasporan reported hearing from friends who had fled their universities but were afraid to go home, fearing that the Agazi forces would arrest and torture them. “We are in the forest with no food, no shelter, only suffering. We can’t imagine going home because if we did, we’d die.”

These communications between people on the ground and the diaspora could come at great risk. “Intercepted emails and phone calls have been submitted as evidence in trials under the country’s flawed anti-terrorism law.” This fear is palpable to diasporans who are receiving the news. One of the Oromo diasporans who contacted me cautioned that if I were to use his real name in this blog post, his family back in Ethiopia would “be in big danger within 24 hours.”

Remote monitoring can help manage the overwhelming flow of information
Despite these risks, there has been a steady flow of photos and videos on social mediashowing protest footage, as well as injured protesters, broken-down dormitory room doors, and even graphic images of people who have been killed. Some individuals in the diaspora and diaspora websites have been compiling this information, and the new#OromoProtests website has emerged as both an information portal and a mobilizing tool for diasporans and allies.

But as the U.S.-based reporter I spoke with observed, there is a lot of information in circulation, but it’s hard to “triangulate” it to verify the journalistic “Five Ws.” Late last week, Ethiopian Satellite Television (ESAT) confirmed diaspora reports that federal security forces killed at least three Wollega University student-protesters and have detained hundreds of students.

The Advocates has received several requests for assistance from the Oromo diaspora about how to keep track of information in a systematic way:

We in the diaspora are so overwhelmed with information about arrests, wounding and deaths coming out of Ethiopia. But we do not seem to have institutions that are tracking, documenting, and sharing this information in an appropriate manner. [Do you have] any suggestions for models or examples we can use to set something up just temporarily until we find some more reliable way of managing information?

Remote monitoring is challenging, but critical when human rights violations occur in places like Ethiopia. Our remote monitoring chapter in Paving Pathways for Justice & Accountability: Human Rights Tools for Diaspora Communities, offers some suggestions and resources. And our chapter on additional monitoring tools identifies other tools, like the Ushahidi open-source software, which was first deployed to map and document user-generated reports of violence after the 2007 elections in Kenya.

Grilling at the UN: The Ethiopian Government responds

The Ethiopian Government’s delegation to the Universal Periodic Review on May 6, 2014, chaired by State Minister of Foreign Affairs Berhane Gebre-Christos

My second blog post in this series highlighted the May 6 Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia at the United Nations. Two days later, the UN issued its report of the UPR working group on Ethiopia, which serves as the Government of Ethiopia’s formal response to the review. In the report, the government identifies recommendations it accepts and others it rejects, as well as a few it wants until September 2014 to think about. Here’s how the Ethiopian Government responded to the recommendations I highlighted in that second post:

Accepted recommendations

• Violence and mistreatment by security forces
  • Finland: Continue efforts to ensure that clear, independent and effective complaints mechanisms are in place for individuals’ complain[t]s concerning mistreatment by security and law enforcement authorities.
  • Rwanda: Intensify efforts to build the capacity of law enforcement authorities on the basic rights of the citizens.
• Forcible resettlement of farmers and pastoralists
  • Austria: Equip the national human rights institutions with the necessary resources and capacities to effectively monitor the human rights situation and to independently investigate, provide appeals and redress for alleged human rights violations in relation to the resettlement of communities through the Commune Development Programme.
  • Bolivia: Promote and protect the rights of the peasants and other persons working in rural areas.
  • Rwanda: Strengthen measures taken at national level to ensure food security in the country.
  • Malaysia: Step up efforts to improve health services for all its citizens, especially in the rural areas.
  • Thailand: Consider adopting universal health-care coverage to ensure health-care provision for all, with particular attention given to vulnerable groups and those living in rural areas.
  • Morocco: Intensify its efforts to make segments of the society benefit from equitable economic growth.
• Ethnic and religious discrimination and persecution
  • Armenia: Further promote tolerance and dialogue between different ethnic and religious groups.
  • The Holy See: Keep encouraging inter-religious and inter-ethnic dialogue so that Ethiopia’s pluralism of traditions and cultures remains an enriching and valued dimension of the country and continue improving the outreach to all ethnic communities to actively participate in the political process so as to strengthen Ethiopia’s democracy and prevent potential conflicts.
  • Bolivia: Continue the actions aimed at the eradication of acts of racism and other forms of discrimination and intolerance.
  • Nicaragua: Increase efforts and adopt all the necessary measures for the fight against discrimination in all its forms, particularly against minorities, among them the most vulnerable children and women.
  • Burundi: Improve the existing activities and mechanisms to strengthen inter-cultural and inter-religious dialogue.
  • Canada: Protect and promote the right of the Ethiopians to practice their religious faith or beliefs, including by enhancing the dialogue between different faith communities to address inter-religious tensions.
  • Sudan: Further intensify efforts to ensure equal access to quality education, and expand primary education to children in their mother tongue.
  • The Maldives: Continue efforts to strengthen quality of education and access to education and make basic education free for all, especially in rural areas.
• Freedom of expression and association for opposition political parties and human rights defenders
  • Japan: Take steps to guarantee the political rights of its people, the freedom of expression, association and assembly, in particular.
  • Finland: Take further measures to ensure the safety and freedom of action of human rights defenders.
  • Nigeria: Continue to grant all political parties unfettered access to the print and electronic media for fair elections.
  • Switzerland: Ensure that the right to participation of all persons promoting and protecting human rights is guaranteed.
• Restrictions on civil society, media; anti-terrorism measures
  • Norway: Establish mechanisms for meaningful participation of civil society at the federal and regional level in the process of implementing and monitoring the National Human Rights Action Plan and take concrete measures to ensure that efforts to counter terrorism are carried out in full compliance with the Constitution and international human rights obligations, including respect for fair trial guarantees and freedom of expression.
  • Ireland: Review its legislation to ensure that any limitations on the right to freedom of expression, both online and offline, are in full compliance with Article 19 of the ICCPR in particular by providing for a defence of truth to all defamation cases.
  • South Korea: Take measures to ensure the increased freedom of expression of journalists and media workers.
• Due process
  • Switzerland: Respect the right to a fair trial, notably by ensuring that legal procedures are respected.
• Disappearances, torture in detention facilities
  • Bhutan: Further improve the conditions of prisons to make them more conducive to the rehabilitation of inmates as per the comment of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission.
  • Russia: Improve the prison system and the situation of prisoners based on the 2013 report of the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission on the Situation of Human Rights in the country’s prisons.
  • Kyrgyzstan: Introduce a definition of torture in its Criminal Code that cover all of the elements contained in article 1 of the Convention against Torture.
• Expand engagement with UN special procedures
  • Spain: Accept the outstanding requests for visits from the special procedures and respond to the communications sent by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights which are awaiting replies.
  • Hungary: Strengthen its cooperation with UN Human Rights mechanisms, including by permitting visits from mandate holders.
  • The Netherlands: Grant full access to Special Rapporteurs and Special Procedures Mandate holders to visit the country, notably the Special Rapporteurs on the Right to Education, the Right to Food and Violence against Women.

Recommendations the government asserts are “already implemented”

• Namibia: Extend free primary education throughout the country.
• Canada: Fully protect members of opposition groups, political activists and journalists who are exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly from arbitrary detention.
• France: Take the necessary measures in order for the law on media and access to information to comply with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights andprovide the proper framework for appeals within the 2009 anti-terrorist law in order to guarantee the respect for fundamental rights.
• Denmark: Remove any structural and institutional impediments that hinder the implementation of the Freedom of the Mass Media and Access to Information Proclamation.
• Slovakia: Repeal provisions of the legislation that can be used to criminalise the right to freedom of expression.
• Paraguay: Allow independent observers access to places of detention.

Rejected recommendations

• Violence by security forces, torture and disappearances
  • Costa Rica: Take urgent measures to investigate the numerous reports of torture and extrajudicial executions committed by the Ethiopian National Defence Forces.
  • Tunisia: Authorize the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] to visit all places where persons may be deprived of their liberty.
  • Hungary: Ratify OP-CAT and grant ICRC and other independent observers immediate, full and genuine access to all detention facilities.
  • France: Ratify the Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court as well as the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.
  • Denmark: Sign and ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture.
  • Estonia: Ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
  • Paraguay: Ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture.
  • Austria: Improve conditions in detention facilities by training of personnel to investigate and prosecute all alleged cases of torture and to ratify the OP-CAT.
• Ethnic and other discrimination
  • Namibia: Further enhance the institutional and financial capacities of the Ethiopia Human Rights Commission to effectively carry out its mandate vis-a-vis the affected communities, especially its working relations with the Oromo, Ogaden, Gambella and the Somali Communities.
  • Argentina: Extend measures to combat discrimination to the entire vulnerable population, which is victim of stereotypes and discrimination, particularly discrimination based on sexual orientation, and thus amend the criminalization established in the Criminal Code relating to that sector of the population.
• Anti-Terrorism Proclamation and Charities and Societies Proclamation
  • United States: Repeal the Charities and Societies Proclamation in order to promote the development of an independent civil society able to operate freely and conduct a full review of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, amending the law as necessary to ensure that it strengthens the rule of law and is applied apolitically and in full compliance with Ethiopia’s international human rights obligations.
  • Sweden: Remove vague provisions in the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation that can be used to criminalise the exercise of the right to freedom of expression and association and ensure that criminal prosecutions do not limit the freedom of expression of civil society, opposition politicians and independent media.
  • Norway: Amend the Charities and Societies Proclamation to allow civil society to work on human rights issues, including women’s rights, without restrictions related to the origin of funding.
  • Ireland: Allow civil society organisations to complement Government programmes in preventing violence and harmful practices against women and girls and also amend the Charities and Societies Proclamation to ensure that restrictions on freedom of association are removed, including restrictions on potential sources of funding for civil society.
  • Australia: Amend its Charities and Societies Proclamation to facilitate the effective operation and financing of non-government organizations and narrow the definition of terrorist activity within international practice to exclude journalism.
  • France: Contribute to reinforce the role of civil society and suppress the administrative constraints and financial restrictions imposed by the 2009 law.
  • The Netherlands: Amend and clearly redefine provisions in the Charities and Societies Proclamation and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation in order to lift restrictions on the rights of freedom of association and freedom of expression.
  • Belgium: Revise the Charities and Societies Proclamation and Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to create a framework conducive to the work of NGOs and other civil society organizations, and ensure the protection of journalists and political opponents from all forms of repression.
  • The Czech Republic: Amend the Charities and Societies Proclamation so that all NGOs can operate freely without restrictions stemming from the structure of their funding.
  • Austria: Ensure that the provisions of the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation are in compliance with international human rights standards, including the freedom of expression and assembly; and revise the 2009 Anti-Terrorism proclamation and the 2008 Mass Media Proclamation bring them in line with international human rights standards.
  • Slovenia: Repeal the provisions of the media and anti-terrorism legislation that infringe on the protection accorded to freedom of expression by provisions in Article 29 of its Constitution and on Ethiopia’s human rights obligations.
• Freedom of expression and association, media freedom
  • Switzerland: Put an end to the harassment of journalists and release those detained without any valid grounds.
  • Hungary: Create a conducive environment for independent civil society to conduct civic and voter education, monitor elections and organise election debates, by lifting all undue restrictions on activities and funding of NGOs.
  • Slovakia: Take necessary measures to ensure respect for the right to freedom of association, including by repealing legislative and administrative restrictions on the activities of NGOs.
  • The Czech Republic: Immediately release all journalists detained for their professional activities, both those arrested recently and those jailed earlier, such as Mr. Nega and Ms. Alemu; amend the Mass Media Proclamation so that the space for free media is widened, and refrain from invoking the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation to stifle independent journalists; and ensure inclusive campaigning before the 2015 elections and grant all political parties equal access to the media.
• Engagement with UN special procedures
  • United States: Permit the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association to travel to Ethiopia to advise the Government.
  • Slovenia: Respond favourably to all outstanding requests for a visit by the special procedures and consider issuing a standing invitation to the special procedures, as recommended previously.
  • Montenegro: Strengthen its cooperation with United Nations human rights mechanisms, including by extending a standing invitation to all thematic special procedures.
  • Uruguay: Extend an Open Invitation to all the mechanisms and special procedures of the Human Rights Council.

“Pending” recommendations

• Australia: Implement fully its 1995 Constitution, including the freedoms of association, expression and assembly for independent political parties, ethnic and religious groups and non-government organizations.
• Mexico: Monitor the implementation of the anti-terrorism law in order to identify any act of repression which affects freedom of association and expression and possible cases of arbitrary detention. In addition, develop activities necessary to eliminate any excesses by the authorities in its application and eliminate all obstacles to the development of non-governmental organizations, in particular, the financial procedures for those financed with resources from abroad, and promote the participation of civil society in the activities of the State.
• United Kingdom: Take concrete steps to ensure the 2015 national elections are more representative and participative than those in 2010, especially around freedom of assembly and encouraging debate among political parties and invite the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture and other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment to visit Ethiopia.
• Botswana: Ensure the full independence and impartiality of the judiciary, in conformity with international standards.
• Spain: Issue a permanent open invitation to the special procedures and adopt measures which guarantee the non-occurrence of cases of torture and ill-treatment in places of detention, and among them, establish an independent national preventive mechanism against torture.

You can make a difference
Reports from the diaspora suggest that the situation on the ground in Oromia is going from bad to worse. Students continue their courageous protests, while the Ethiopian Government expands mass arrests and expulsions and reportedly is attempting to incite inter-ethnic conflict. But there are several things the Oromo diaspora and people who want to show solidarity can do to help:

1. Educate yourself about the Oromo Protests and the history of human rights violations in Ethiopia. The #OromoProtests website has some great infographics. Read the International Oromo Youth Association’s appeal letter. Watch IOYA President Amane Bedaso’s interview on Sahara TV. One Oromo on the ground sent an email pleading for help: “We are between life and death. Please don’t forget us. We are people of this world. Things are going out of control.” You can spread the word, and help get the hashtag #OromoProtests trending on Twitter.
2. If you live in the United States or another country that provides aid to the Government of Ethiopia, write to your elected representatives to inform them about what’s going on, call on your government to condemn the Ethiopian Government’s response to the student protests, and urge them to withhold funds. The #OromoProtests website has somesample letters, and the Advocacychapter of Paving Pathways has more guidance for effective outreach. If Ethiopia rejected your government’s UPR recommendations, be sure to highlight that fact in your advocacy.
3. Support efforts to conduct systematic remote monitoring of the situation on the ground in Ethiopia. For starters, offer to assist the International Oromo Youth Association, which has been tracking events closely.
4. Support diaspora media organizations like the Oromia Media Network that are working to get the word out. As OMN notes, the Ethiopian Government “has shut down all independent newspapers in [the] Oromo language and those tending to address unique concerns of the Oromo people. As a result, despite being the official language of the Oromia region, not a single independent newspaper is published in Afaan Oromo. Neither are there independently run radio or television stations broadcasting in one of Africa’s most widely spoken languages with over 40 million native speakers.” So getting OMN back on the air in Ethiopia is critical.
5. Take advantage of some of the UPR recommendations the Ethiopian Governmentaccepted:
   • With support from the diaspora, groups in Ethiopia could press their government to follow through on key recommendations or could show how the Master Plan contradicts those recommendations. See the UN Advocacy chapter in Paving Pathways for more information on UPR follow-up.
   • 
     

     UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education, Mr. Kishore Singh (India). Photo credit: UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferré, flickr
     Urge UN special procedures, especially theSpecial Rapporteur on the Right to Education, to follow up on the Netherlands’ accepted recommendation and conduct a country visit to investigate the government’s response to the student protests in Oromia.
   • Urge other UN special procedures that have outstanding requests for country visits to hold the Ethiopian Government to its word. The government accepted Spain’s recommendation to accept all outstanding requests for country visits, which include requests from:
     • Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Opinion and Expression (2002, renewed in 2005)
     • Working Group on Arbitrary Detention(2005, renewed in 2007, 2009, 2011)
     • Special Rapporteur on Torture (2005, renewed in 2007, 2009, 2011, 2013)
     • Independent Expert on Foreign Debt(2006, renewed in 2007, 2011)
     • Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion
     • Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food (request for follow up visit)
     • Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions (2008)
     • Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Association and Assembly
6. Lobby your government to press Ethiopia to accept any “pending” UPR recommendations, particularly the United Kingdom’s recommendation to invite the Special Rapporteur on Torture to visit Ethiopia.
7. Oromos in the diaspora who are in close contact with family members of students who have been killed, injured, arrested, or disappeared can work with them to submit urgent action letters to UN and African Commission special procedures, as a coalition recently did on behalf of bloggers who have been jailed in Ethiopia. Part D of Chapter 11 in Paving Pathways provides more information on using urgent action letters to raise awareness at the United Nations and regional human rights mechanisms when emergency situations arise.

What will you do to make a difference? Please share your suggestions and requests in the comments!

By Amy Bergquist, staff attorney for the International Justice Program of The Advocates for Human Rights.

This post is the fourth in a four-part series about human rights in Ethiopia. Part 1describes the important role the Oromo diaspora is playing in remotely monitoring recent human rights developments in Ethiopia. Part 2 highlights the May 6 Universal Periodic Review of Ethiopia at the United Nations. Part 3 explores the Oromo diaspora’s strategies for showing solidarity with the Oromo students while pushing for human rights and holding perpetrators accountable for the violence against peaceful demonstrators.