The Swedish journalists were released after 438 days in an Ethiopian jail [AFP]
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| In 2012, after having been sentenced to 11 years in prison for "terrorism" for illegally entering Ethiopia from Somalia in the presence of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye took the advice of their legal council, confessed to their "crimes" and requested an official pardon. It was a pragmatic move - both journalists vehemently denied the charges and considered any confession to be a charade - taken to save their own skins. The request was granted, and the journalists were released after 438 days in jail. Their capture, trial, imprisonment and subsequent release were, as one would expect, all big news stories in Sweden. As told in the media, the Persson/Schibbye story followed a standard trope: Backward, undemocratic Africa versus progressive, democratic Sweden. Human rights violators versus human rights defenders. And, frankly, who could argue with that framing of events?
"Relations between Sweden and Ethiopia have never been as good as they are now. After having imprisoned two Swedish journalists for 14 months, some kind of reconciliation has taken place. We are in a new phase and H&M and Ikea will be starting up there (in Ethiopia)." Schibbye also noted in a recent public lecture in Uppsala that he and Persson were told by Swedish officials that there was no way the Swedish government would sacrifice their relations with Ethiopia over their case, no matter how blatant the injustice (hence the suggestion that the two men falsely "confess"). And, Johan Persson made note of how treatment of journalists and whistleblowers in the supposedly "developed" world helped to justify their treatment: "This double-standard… just look at the USA where whisteblowers are chased all over the world and threatened with life in prison. That is the problem. Ethiopia can always say, 'We are no worse than you'." While their imprisonment and release garnered much attention, their critique of the relationship between Swedish diplomacy and economic interests in an authoritarian regime did not. Interestingly, and perhaps lesser-known, is the fact that the journalists were in Ethiopia to investigate allegations of human rights abuses by the Sweden-based Lundin Petrolium. Undemocratic thuggery The Persson/Schibbye case is one of many in recent years where international authoritarianism is viewed by media in, for example, Europe and the United States with a superior, disapproving shake of the head, while domestic or regional rights violations (or turning a blind eye to such violations in "allied" states) are often dismissed as exceptions which prove the democratic rule. Jailing journalists for 14 months? Undemocratic thuggery. Negotiating with those same undemocratic officials to further privately-owned economic interests? Good diplomacy. Persson's point about Snowden - which can also be made about Chelsea Manning, Barrett Brown andJeremy Hammond- is key: The imprisonment and threatened imprisonment of individuals who have blown the whistle on perceived injustices not only undermines the credibility of the governments who pursue these people, it also calls into question the consistency of media which lament a lack of democratic values in Country X while significant violations take place, in relative media silence, in their own Backyard Y. This is not to say that the presence of a functional Guantanamo prison - in any way - justifies the killing of 88 protesters in Ukraine. Nor does it suggest that coverage of Kiev, Gezi, Cairo or Rio is de facto inaccurate because the death penalty does not get enough critical press in the US. But, as I noted in a piece on Turkey, those engaged in the suppression of democratic rights often point to both journalists and politicians in Europe and US and accuse them of double-standards. And we have provided them with that ammunition. Sweden is not Ethiopia, but pretending that they have nothing in common does no one any favours. I have also made the argument that one of the problems with coverage of recent global protests has been ashort-term perspective: When the images are hot and sexy, there is attention (for a good discussion on "disaster porn" in relation to Ukraine, see the piece by Sarah Kendzior and reaction from Emily Bell), but when the far less sexy long-term process of democratisation begins, media attention fades. This leaves us with images of Brazil, Turkey, Egypt and Ukraine as rooted in protest and violence, divorced from any semblance of progress. But there is more. These images are enhanced and solidified by an unwillingness to confront, in a comprehensive fashion, our own violent, anti-democratic tendencies - from drones to weapons exports to the death penalty. This unwillingness allows us to take a position of righteous indignation rife with hypocrisy. Christian Christensen is Professor of Journalism at Stockholm University, Sweden.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
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Thursday, February 27, 2014
Exceptions to the democratic rule Sweden is not Ethiopia, but pretending that they have nothing in common does no one any favours.
Sunday, February 23, 2014
ይድረስ የኦሮሞ ጥላቻ እና ፍራቻ (ኦሮሞ ፎብያ) ለተጠናወተህ “የታሪክ ምሁር” ተብዬው ዶ/ር ኃይሌ ላሬቦ፤ በኦሮሞዎች ተገደሉብኝ ላልከው ቤተሰቦችህ ታሪክን በመበቀያነት መጠቀምን አቁም!
በነጌሳ ኦዶ ዱቤ
“ሚኒሊክን ብትወቅሱ ማንነታችሁን ትረሱ” በሚል አርዕስት ፅፈህ የለጠፍከዉን ሀተታ አይቸዋለው። የግዕዝ ፊደሎችን መፃፍ ባልችልም ፤ ጫፍ የወጣ ወገንተኝነትህና ጥላቻህ ፊደል እየለቀምኩም ቢሆን መልስ እንድሰጥ አስገድዶኛል። ለነገሩ ቃለ ምልልህን ከሰማሁ ጊዜ ጀምሮ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ ልዩ ጥላቻ እንዳለህ የተረዳሁ ቢሆንም ምክንያቱ ምን እንደሆነ ላውቅ የቻልኩት ከዚህ ፅሁፍህ ላይ ነው፡፡ በዚህ ፁሑፊ ራስህን ያልቻልክ የስርአቱ ሰለባ መሆንን ስላስመሰከርክ ፥ ይህ መልስ ለስርአቱ አቀነንቃኞች የተሰጠ ነው። ለማንኛውም እስኪ የፅሁፍህን ይዘት ወደ መገምገም ልመለስ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ
የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ የዉሸት ታሪክ ነዉ። ባለሟሎቹ ነገስታቱን ለማስደሰት ንጉሱን በማሞገስ ታረክ በማስመሰል ይጽፉለታል። እንድያው ም የኢትዮጽያ ታረክ ክብረ መንግስት ይባል የለም:: ጠላቱን ደግሞ በማዉገዝ ያስደስቱታል። እንግዲህ እነ ደብተራ ዘነብ እና አባ ባህሪ ከዚሁ ቡድን የሚመደቡ ናቸው፡፡ በተለይም አባ ባህሪ ብእራቸውን ከወረቀት ጋር ሲያገናኙ የነገዱን ቁጥር ብዛት ፣ ሰውን ለመግደል ያለዉን ትጋት ወዘተ እያሉ በጥላቻ እና በጠላትነት መንፈስ ልክ እንዳንተ የፃፉ በመሆናቸው እነዚህን ታሪኮች እንደ እውነተኛ ታሪክ አድርገህ ልትከራከርባቸው መሞከርህ የታሪክ ምሁርነትህ ን አጠያያቂ ያደርገዋል፡፡ ይህ ማለት ልክ ዛሬ የመለስ ደጋፊዎች “የተለየ ራዕይ ያለው፣ መልካም መሪ”፣ በሚሊዮን ዓመት አንዴ የተፈጠረ፣” ወዘተ… እያሉ እየፃፉለት ያሉት ነገ ታሪክ መሆኑ አይቀርምና ያኔ እነዚህ አጨብጫቢዎች የፃፉለትን እንደማጣቀስ ይቆጠራል፡፡ ከኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ ልናምናቸው የምንችላቸው እውነታዎች ጥቂቶች በመሆናቸው ስለተፃ ፉ ብቻ አንቀበላቸሁም፡፡ በተቻለ መጠን ወገንተኛ ባልሆኑ አካላት የተፃፉትን መርጠን እንጠቀማለን፡፡
የኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ የዉሸት ታሪክ ነዉ። ባለሟሎቹ ነገስታቱን ለማስደሰት ንጉሱን በማሞገስ ታረክ በማስመሰል ይጽፉለታል። እንድያው ም የኢትዮጽያ ታረክ ክብረ መንግስት ይባል የለም:: ጠላቱን ደግሞ በማዉገዝ ያስደስቱታል። እንግዲህ እነ ደብተራ ዘነብ እና አባ ባህሪ ከዚሁ ቡድን የሚመደቡ ናቸው፡፡ በተለይም አባ ባህሪ ብእራቸውን ከወረቀት ጋር ሲያገናኙ የነገዱን ቁጥር ብዛት ፣ ሰውን ለመግደል ያለዉን ትጋት ወዘተ እያሉ በጥላቻ እና በጠላትነት መንፈስ ልክ እንዳንተ የፃፉ በመሆናቸው እነዚህን ታሪኮች እንደ እውነተኛ ታሪክ አድርገህ ልትከራከርባቸው መሞከርህ የታሪክ ምሁርነትህ ን አጠያያቂ ያደርገዋል፡፡ ይህ ማለት ልክ ዛሬ የመለስ ደጋፊዎች “የተለየ ራዕይ ያለው፣ መልካም መሪ”፣ በሚሊዮን ዓመት አንዴ የተፈጠረ፣” ወዘተ… እያሉ እየፃፉለት ያሉት ነገ ታሪክ መሆኑ አይቀርምና ያኔ እነዚህ አጨብጫቢዎች የፃፉለትን እንደማጣቀስ ይቆጠራል፡፡ ከኢትዮጵያ ታሪክ ውስጥ ልናምናቸው የምንችላቸው እውነታዎች ጥቂቶች በመሆናቸው ስለተፃ ፉ ብቻ አንቀበላቸሁም፡፡ በተቻለ መጠን ወገንተኛ ባልሆኑ አካላት የተፃፉትን መርጠን እንጠቀማለን፡፡
የግል ጥላቻ
ከከንባታ ጎሳ የተወለድክ መሆንህን ጠቅሰህ የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎች እናትህን፣ የእናትህን እናት(አያት) እና በአጎትህ ላይ ጭፍጨፋ መፈፀማቸውን ጠቅሰሀል:: ድርጊቱም የተፈፀመው በጎሳ ግጭት ሳቢያ መሆኑን ገልፀሀል፡፡ ለመሆኑ የከንባታ ጎሳ በጦርነት የበላይነትን ቢያገኝ አርሲዎችን አይገልም ነበርን? የአበባ ጉንጉን ነበር ወይ የሚያጠልቁላቸው? እንዲህ አይነት ጦርነቶች በጎሳዎች መካከል የተለመዱ ስለሆኑ የኦሮሞን ጨካኝነት ለማሳየት ይህንን በምሳሌነት መጥቀሽ ያንተን ወገንተኝነት እና የበቀል ስሜት ከማሳየት ውጪ ምንም እርባና የለውም፡፡
ከከንባታ ጎሳ የተወለድክ መሆንህን ጠቅሰህ የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎች እናትህን፣ የእናትህን እናት(አያት) እና በአጎትህ ላይ ጭፍጨፋ መፈፀማቸውን ጠቅሰሀል:: ድርጊቱም የተፈፀመው በጎሳ ግጭት ሳቢያ መሆኑን ገልፀሀል፡፡ ለመሆኑ የከንባታ ጎሳ በጦርነት የበላይነትን ቢያገኝ አርሲዎችን አይገልም ነበርን? የአበባ ጉንጉን ነበር ወይ የሚያጠልቁላቸው? እንዲህ አይነት ጦርነቶች በጎሳዎች መካከል የተለመዱ ስለሆኑ የኦሮሞን ጨካኝነት ለማሳየት ይህንን በምሳሌነት መጥቀሽ ያንተን ወገንተኝነት እና የበቀል ስሜት ከማሳየት ውጪ ምንም እርባና የለውም፡፡
አኖሌ
የአኖሌ ታሪክ እንደሚያስረዳው በአኖሌ የተፈፀመው የቀኝ እጅ እና ጡት ቆረጣ በጦርነት ወቅት የተፈፀመ አልነበረም:: ይህ ድርጊት የተፈጸመው በራስ ዳርጌ በተመራው ስድስት ዙር ዘመቻ አራቱን አርሲዎች ያሸነፉ ቢሆንም በመጨረሻ “አዙሌ” በተባለው ቦታ በተደረገው ጦርነት በቁጥር 120,000 (አንድ መቶ ሃያ ሺህ) የአርሲ ጦረኞች ከተገደሉ በኋላ የነፍጠኛው ጦር አሸንፎ አርሲን ሊቆጣጠረው ችሏል፡፡ ከዚህም በኋላ ቢሆን የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎች በተፈለገው መጠን አልገብር ስላሉ እና በተበታተነ ሁኔታ ማጥቃት ባለማቆማቸው አኖሌ በተባለው ቦታ “ሰላም እናወርዳለን እና የእርቅ ጉባኤ ተሳተፉ”በማለት ነፍጠኞቹ ነጭ ባንዲራ እያውለበለቡ ህዝቡ እንዲሰበሰብ ካደረጉ በኋላ በሦስት ሺህ አርሲዎች ላይ አሰቃቂውን የቀኝ እጅ እና የጡት ቆረጣ ፈፀሙ፡፡ (ይህን በተመለከተ የዶክተር አባስ ሀጂን መፀሀፍ አንብብ) ይህ የቀኝ እጅ ቆረጣ በአድዋ ጦርነት በተማረኩት የኤርትራ አስካሪዎች ላይም ተፈፅሟል። ስምንት መቶ ወታደሮች ቀኝ እጅ እና እግራቸውን በአፄ ሚኒሊክ ትዕዛዝ ተቆርጧል፡፡ ይህን ሲያደርጉ ግን ከነዚህ ጋር የተማረኩትን የጣሊያን ወታደሮች ምንም ሳያደርጉ ነበር የሸኟቸው፡፡ ይህም አፄዉ የፈረንጅ አጎብዳጅ መሆናቸውን ያሳያል፡፡ ይህ በኤርትራ አስካሪዎች ላይ የተፈፀመው ድርጊት እንደዚህ አይነት የጭካኔ እርምጃ የተለመደ መሆኑን ማሳያ ነው፡፡ በተጨማሪም “አፄ ሚኒሊክ እጅግ ተዋረዱ የሸዋን ነገስታት እጅ ነስተው ሄዱ” የሚለው ቅኔ እጅ የመቁረጥ ባህል ስር የሰደደ መሆኑን ማሳያ ነው። ጳዎሎስ ኞኞ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ አንድ ጊዜ አራት መቶ ሰው ሌላ ጊዜ ስድስት መቶ ሰው እጅ ቆርጠው አንገታቸው ላይ አንጠልጥለው እንዲሄዱ ያደረጉ መሆኑን እና ይህም በተለያየ ጊዜ ይፈፀም እንደነበር ፅፏል፡፡
የአኖሌ ታሪክ እንደሚያስረዳው በአኖሌ የተፈፀመው የቀኝ እጅ እና ጡት ቆረጣ በጦርነት ወቅት የተፈፀመ አልነበረም:: ይህ ድርጊት የተፈጸመው በራስ ዳርጌ በተመራው ስድስት ዙር ዘመቻ አራቱን አርሲዎች ያሸነፉ ቢሆንም በመጨረሻ “አዙሌ” በተባለው ቦታ በተደረገው ጦርነት በቁጥር 120,000 (አንድ መቶ ሃያ ሺህ) የአርሲ ጦረኞች ከተገደሉ በኋላ የነፍጠኛው ጦር አሸንፎ አርሲን ሊቆጣጠረው ችሏል፡፡ ከዚህም በኋላ ቢሆን የአርሲ ኦሮሞዎች በተፈለገው መጠን አልገብር ስላሉ እና በተበታተነ ሁኔታ ማጥቃት ባለማቆማቸው አኖሌ በተባለው ቦታ “ሰላም እናወርዳለን እና የእርቅ ጉባኤ ተሳተፉ”በማለት ነፍጠኞቹ ነጭ ባንዲራ እያውለበለቡ ህዝቡ እንዲሰበሰብ ካደረጉ በኋላ በሦስት ሺህ አርሲዎች ላይ አሰቃቂውን የቀኝ እጅ እና የጡት ቆረጣ ፈፀሙ፡፡ (ይህን በተመለከተ የዶክተር አባስ ሀጂን መፀሀፍ አንብብ) ይህ የቀኝ እጅ ቆረጣ በአድዋ ጦርነት በተማረኩት የኤርትራ አስካሪዎች ላይም ተፈፅሟል። ስምንት መቶ ወታደሮች ቀኝ እጅ እና እግራቸውን በአፄ ሚኒሊክ ትዕዛዝ ተቆርጧል፡፡ ይህን ሲያደርጉ ግን ከነዚህ ጋር የተማረኩትን የጣሊያን ወታደሮች ምንም ሳያደርጉ ነበር የሸኟቸው፡፡ ይህም አፄዉ የፈረንጅ አጎብዳጅ መሆናቸውን ያሳያል፡፡ ይህ በኤርትራ አስካሪዎች ላይ የተፈፀመው ድርጊት እንደዚህ አይነት የጭካኔ እርምጃ የተለመደ መሆኑን ማሳያ ነው፡፡ በተጨማሪም “አፄ ሚኒሊክ እጅግ ተዋረዱ የሸዋን ነገስታት እጅ ነስተው ሄዱ” የሚለው ቅኔ እጅ የመቁረጥ ባህል ስር የሰደደ መሆኑን ማሳያ ነው። ጳዎሎስ ኞኞ አፄ ቴዎድሮስ አንድ ጊዜ አራት መቶ ሰው ሌላ ጊዜ ስድስት መቶ ሰው እጅ ቆርጠው አንገታቸው ላይ አንጠልጥለው እንዲሄዱ ያደረጉ መሆኑን እና ይህም በተለያየ ጊዜ ይፈፀም እንደነበር ፅፏል፡፡
ጨካኝነት
ኦሮሞ በጦርነት ሲያሸነፍ “ጨካኝ” ይሉታል። ሲያሸነፋቸዉ “ፈጀው፣ ጨፈጨፈው፣ ጨረሰው” በማለት እና አቢሲኒያውያን የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ሲያሸንፉ ደሞ “ዛሬ አምላክ አሳልፎ በእጃችን ሰጠ” አንገታቸውን ቆራርጠን ጭንቅላታቸውን ከመርን። በእግዚአብኤር ኃይል ይህን ያህል ገደልን እያለ ኦሮሞን መግደል ፅድቅ እንደሆነ አድርጎ ይጽፍ የነበረው አባ ባህሪ ነበር። በውጊያ እነሱ ሲያሸንፉ ጀግንነት እና የአምላክ እርዳታ፤ ኦሮሞ ሲያሸንፋቸው ደሞ እንደ ጨካኝነት መቁጠራቸው ወገንተኝነትን እና ጥላቻን ከማንፀባረቅ ውጪ ሌላ ምንም ፍቺ የለውም። ጦርነት ከሆነ ጦርነት ነው:: ኦሮሞ እየተወጋ ዝም አይልም። ምናልባትም ወግተውት አፀፋውን ሲመልስ መንጫጫቱ “አንቺው ታመጪው አንቺው ታሮጪው” መሆኑ ነው፡፡ በሌላ የሕግ መርህ ባለቤት በራሱ ጉዳይ ፈራጅ አይሆንም ስለሚባል በራሳችሁ ጉዳይ ለራሳችሁ የሰጣችሁት ምስክርነት ተአማንነት አይኖረውም፡፡ እንዲሁም ጠላት ነው ብላችሁ በጥላቻ እና በፍራቻ ስለምታዩት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የምትሰጡት ምስክርነትም ቢሆን ከወገንተኝነት የፀዳ ሊሆን አይችልም። ይህ ሁሉ ሆኖ ግን ኦሮሞን ከሚጠሉት ጎራ ካሉት ፀሀፊዎች እንደ እነ አለቃ ታዬ አይነቶቹ በመፀሀፋቸው ኦሮሞ ሰላም ወዳድ፣ እግዚአብሄርን የሚፈራ፣ በሸንጎው በውሸት የማይፈርድ፣ ምንም እንኩዋን ክርስትናን ያልተቀበለ ቢሆንም አስርቱን ትዕዛዛት “ክርስቲያን ነን” ከሚሉት በላይ ያከብራል በማለት መስክሯል። ምንም እንኩዋን ክርስቲያኖች ብንሆንም ክፉዎች እና በመፀሀፉ የማንመራው እኛ ነን እንጅ “ኦሮሞ እንኩዋን በሰው በእንስሳ እንኩዋን አይጨክንም” በማለት በሰፊው ያተተውን እንድታነብ እጋብዝሀለው፡፡ ይህንን የዋህ እና ሰላም ፈላጊ ህዝብ ጫና እና ጥቃት ካበዛችሁበት በኋላ እሱ አምርሮ አፀፋውን ሲመልስ “ጨካኝ” እያላችሁ ብትንጫጩ ማንም አይሰማችሁም። ኦሮሞ ጀግና እንጂ ጨካኝ አይደለም፡፡ ስለ ኦሮሞ ጀግንነት በደንብ አድርጋችሁ ታዉቃላችሁ። በአድዋ ጦርነት የአምባላጌን ምሽግ የሰበረዉ በማን የተመራ ጦር ነዉ? ገበየሁ ገቦ አይደለም እንደ? ሚኒሊክ ፈርቶ ስደራደር ፣ ገበየሁ ሳይታዘዝ ድል አድርጎ በዉጊያዉ ተገደለ:: ፈረንጆቹን ፈርቶ መቐለ ላይ የሸኛቸዉ ሚኒሊክ፣ ጣይቱ ባትኖር ከጣሊያን ጋ ይዋጋ ነበር? ኢትዮጵያዊነትን እንድንቀበል ለማባበልም ብሆንም ጣይቱ ኦሮሞ መሆኗን አምናችኋል::
ኦሮሞ በጦርነት ሲያሸነፍ “ጨካኝ” ይሉታል። ሲያሸነፋቸዉ “ፈጀው፣ ጨፈጨፈው፣ ጨረሰው” በማለት እና አቢሲኒያውያን የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ሲያሸንፉ ደሞ “ዛሬ አምላክ አሳልፎ በእጃችን ሰጠ” አንገታቸውን ቆራርጠን ጭንቅላታቸውን ከመርን። በእግዚአብኤር ኃይል ይህን ያህል ገደልን እያለ ኦሮሞን መግደል ፅድቅ እንደሆነ አድርጎ ይጽፍ የነበረው አባ ባህሪ ነበር። በውጊያ እነሱ ሲያሸንፉ ጀግንነት እና የአምላክ እርዳታ፤ ኦሮሞ ሲያሸንፋቸው ደሞ እንደ ጨካኝነት መቁጠራቸው ወገንተኝነትን እና ጥላቻን ከማንፀባረቅ ውጪ ሌላ ምንም ፍቺ የለውም። ጦርነት ከሆነ ጦርነት ነው:: ኦሮሞ እየተወጋ ዝም አይልም። ምናልባትም ወግተውት አፀፋውን ሲመልስ መንጫጫቱ “አንቺው ታመጪው አንቺው ታሮጪው” መሆኑ ነው፡፡ በሌላ የሕግ መርህ ባለቤት በራሱ ጉዳይ ፈራጅ አይሆንም ስለሚባል በራሳችሁ ጉዳይ ለራሳችሁ የሰጣችሁት ምስክርነት ተአማንነት አይኖረውም፡፡ እንዲሁም ጠላት ነው ብላችሁ በጥላቻ እና በፍራቻ ስለምታዩት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የምትሰጡት ምስክርነትም ቢሆን ከወገንተኝነት የፀዳ ሊሆን አይችልም። ይህ ሁሉ ሆኖ ግን ኦሮሞን ከሚጠሉት ጎራ ካሉት ፀሀፊዎች እንደ እነ አለቃ ታዬ አይነቶቹ በመፀሀፋቸው ኦሮሞ ሰላም ወዳድ፣ እግዚአብሄርን የሚፈራ፣ በሸንጎው በውሸት የማይፈርድ፣ ምንም እንኩዋን ክርስትናን ያልተቀበለ ቢሆንም አስርቱን ትዕዛዛት “ክርስቲያን ነን” ከሚሉት በላይ ያከብራል በማለት መስክሯል። ምንም እንኩዋን ክርስቲያኖች ብንሆንም ክፉዎች እና በመፀሀፉ የማንመራው እኛ ነን እንጅ “ኦሮሞ እንኩዋን በሰው በእንስሳ እንኩዋን አይጨክንም” በማለት በሰፊው ያተተውን እንድታነብ እጋብዝሀለው፡፡ ይህንን የዋህ እና ሰላም ፈላጊ ህዝብ ጫና እና ጥቃት ካበዛችሁበት በኋላ እሱ አምርሮ አፀፋውን ሲመልስ “ጨካኝ” እያላችሁ ብትንጫጩ ማንም አይሰማችሁም። ኦሮሞ ጀግና እንጂ ጨካኝ አይደለም፡፡ ስለ ኦሮሞ ጀግንነት በደንብ አድርጋችሁ ታዉቃላችሁ። በአድዋ ጦርነት የአምባላጌን ምሽግ የሰበረዉ በማን የተመራ ጦር ነዉ? ገበየሁ ገቦ አይደለም እንደ? ሚኒሊክ ፈርቶ ስደራደር ፣ ገበየሁ ሳይታዘዝ ድል አድርጎ በዉጊያዉ ተገደለ:: ፈረንጆቹን ፈርቶ መቐለ ላይ የሸኛቸዉ ሚኒሊክ፣ ጣይቱ ባትኖር ከጣሊያን ጋ ይዋጋ ነበር? ኢትዮጵያዊነትን እንድንቀበል ለማባበልም ብሆንም ጣይቱ ኦሮሞ መሆኗን አምናችኋል::
ወራሪ
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የኩሽ ዝርያ ነው፡፡ ይህ የኩሽ ነገድ ህዝብ ከደቡባዊ ግብፅ ጀምሮ በዛሬይቷ ሱዳን እና በአፍሪካ ቀንድ ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት በመኖሩ ይህ አካባቢ ለኩሾች ጥንት መኖሪያቸው ነው፡፡ ከደቡብ የመን ከ700 ዓመተ አለም እስከ 100 ዓ.ም ፈልሰው ወደ አፍሪካ ቀንድ የመጡት ሀበሻ እና ሀማሴን የተባሉት የሴም ዘሮች ናቸው፡፡ የኩሽ ነገድ የሆኑት እነ ሲዳማ፣ ሀዲያ፣ አፋር፣ ሱማሌ፣ አገው፣ ሁሉ አገራቸው የአፍሪካ ቀንድ መሆኑ እየታወቀ የኩሽ ነገድ የሆነው ኦሮሞን ብቻ የህንድ ውቂያኖስን አሻግራችሁ ስታሰፍሩት እፍረት ነገር አልፈጠረባችሁም፡፡ “የአብዬን እከክ ወደ እምዬ ልከክ” እንደሚባለው መጤ የሆነው የሴሜቲክ ነገድ ነባሩን ህዝብ ወራሪ የማለት የሞራል ብቃት የለውም፡፡ አባ ባህሪ ኦሮሞዎች ገላና የተባለውን ወንዝ ወደ ምስራቅ አቋርጠው መጡ ይበል እንጂ ይህ ገሞ የተባለው ቦታ ጋሞ ጎፋ ስለመሆኑ ምንም ደጋፊ ማስረጃ የለም፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ግልጽ ያልሆኑ ጉዳዮች አሉ፡፡ በመጀመሪያ፣ ገላና የትኛው ወንዝ ነው የሚል ጥያቄ ያስነሳል፡፡ ገላና ማለት ወንዝ ወይም ትልቅ ውሃ ከማለት ውጪ ገላና የሚባል ወንዝ የለም፡፡ የሰገን ወንዝ ወይም ገላና አባያን አቋርጠው ወደ ጋሞ ጎፋ መጡ እንዳይባል ወደ ምስራቅ እንጂ ወደ ምእራብ ተሻገሩ አላሉም፡፡ አባያ ከጋሞ ጎፋ በምእራብ በኩል ስለምትገኝ አባያን ከተሻገሩ ወደ ምእራብ ተሻገሩ ማለት ነበረበት፡፡ ሌላኛው አወዛጋቢ ጉዳይ አባ ባህሪ ገሞ ከማለት ውጪ ከገሞ እስከ ሸዋ መካከል ባለው ሰፊ አካባቢ ምንም ገጠመኞች ሳይፅፉ በግንደበረት፣ በጎጃም እና በሌሎች ሸዋ አካባቢዎች የተደረጉ ጦርነቶች እና ግጭቶችን ብቻ ማተታቸው እንዲሁም በሰሜን ሸዋ አካባቢ እና በሌሎች ሸዋ አካባቢዎች ገሞ ተብለው የሚጠሩ ቦታዎች መኖራቸው አባ ባህሪ የነበሩት በሰሜን ሸዋ አካባቢ እንጂ ጋሞ ጎፋ አልነበረም የሚል ድምዳሜ ላይ ያደርሳል፡፡ በተጨማሪም አባ ባህሪ ከነበሩበት ገሞ ከሚባለው ቦታ ሸሽተው ወደ ደብረ ዳሞ ነው የገቡት፡፡ በደብረዳሞ እና በገሞ መካከል ያለው ርቀት አጭር መሆኑን ከፅሁፋቸው ማወቅ ስለሚቻል የነበሩበት ቦታ ሸዋ ውስጥ መሆኑን የበለጠ የሚያረጋግጥ ነው፡፡
የኦሮሞ ህዝብ የኩሽ ዝርያ ነው፡፡ ይህ የኩሽ ነገድ ህዝብ ከደቡባዊ ግብፅ ጀምሮ በዛሬይቷ ሱዳን እና በአፍሪካ ቀንድ ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት በመኖሩ ይህ አካባቢ ለኩሾች ጥንት መኖሪያቸው ነው፡፡ ከደቡብ የመን ከ700 ዓመተ አለም እስከ 100 ዓ.ም ፈልሰው ወደ አፍሪካ ቀንድ የመጡት ሀበሻ እና ሀማሴን የተባሉት የሴም ዘሮች ናቸው፡፡ የኩሽ ነገድ የሆኑት እነ ሲዳማ፣ ሀዲያ፣ አፋር፣ ሱማሌ፣ አገው፣ ሁሉ አገራቸው የአፍሪካ ቀንድ መሆኑ እየታወቀ የኩሽ ነገድ የሆነው ኦሮሞን ብቻ የህንድ ውቂያኖስን አሻግራችሁ ስታሰፍሩት እፍረት ነገር አልፈጠረባችሁም፡፡ “የአብዬን እከክ ወደ እምዬ ልከክ” እንደሚባለው መጤ የሆነው የሴሜቲክ ነገድ ነባሩን ህዝብ ወራሪ የማለት የሞራል ብቃት የለውም፡፡ አባ ባህሪ ኦሮሞዎች ገላና የተባለውን ወንዝ ወደ ምስራቅ አቋርጠው መጡ ይበል እንጂ ይህ ገሞ የተባለው ቦታ ጋሞ ጎፋ ስለመሆኑ ምንም ደጋፊ ማስረጃ የለም፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ሁለት ግልጽ ያልሆኑ ጉዳዮች አሉ፡፡ በመጀመሪያ፣ ገላና የትኛው ወንዝ ነው የሚል ጥያቄ ያስነሳል፡፡ ገላና ማለት ወንዝ ወይም ትልቅ ውሃ ከማለት ውጪ ገላና የሚባል ወንዝ የለም፡፡ የሰገን ወንዝ ወይም ገላና አባያን አቋርጠው ወደ ጋሞ ጎፋ መጡ እንዳይባል ወደ ምስራቅ እንጂ ወደ ምእራብ ተሻገሩ አላሉም፡፡ አባያ ከጋሞ ጎፋ በምእራብ በኩል ስለምትገኝ አባያን ከተሻገሩ ወደ ምእራብ ተሻገሩ ማለት ነበረበት፡፡ ሌላኛው አወዛጋቢ ጉዳይ አባ ባህሪ ገሞ ከማለት ውጪ ከገሞ እስከ ሸዋ መካከል ባለው ሰፊ አካባቢ ምንም ገጠመኞች ሳይፅፉ በግንደበረት፣ በጎጃም እና በሌሎች ሸዋ አካባቢዎች የተደረጉ ጦርነቶች እና ግጭቶችን ብቻ ማተታቸው እንዲሁም በሰሜን ሸዋ አካባቢ እና በሌሎች ሸዋ አካባቢዎች ገሞ ተብለው የሚጠሩ ቦታዎች መኖራቸው አባ ባህሪ የነበሩት በሰሜን ሸዋ አካባቢ እንጂ ጋሞ ጎፋ አልነበረም የሚል ድምዳሜ ላይ ያደርሳል፡፡ በተጨማሪም አባ ባህሪ ከነበሩበት ገሞ ከሚባለው ቦታ ሸሽተው ወደ ደብረ ዳሞ ነው የገቡት፡፡ በደብረዳሞ እና በገሞ መካከል ያለው ርቀት አጭር መሆኑን ከፅሁፋቸው ማወቅ ስለሚቻል የነበሩበት ቦታ ሸዋ ውስጥ መሆኑን የበለጠ የሚያረጋግጥ ነው፡፡
የዘር ግንድ
በዚህ ፅሁፍህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ነገድ እንጂ የዘር ግንዱ አይተሳሰርም፡፡ ከአንድ የዘር ግንድ የወጣ አደለም፤ በቋንቋም በባህልም አይገናኝም ብለሃል፡፡ ይህ ትልቅ ስህተት ነው፡፡ ለፅሁፍህ ዋቢ ያደረከው በዋናነት የአባ ባህሪን መፀሀፍ ሲሆን፤ አባ ባህሪ ደግሞ ኦሮሞ ከአንድ የዘር ግንድ የተገኘ አንድ ህዝብ መሆኑን አልካደም፡፡ እንደውም ኦሮሞ ቦረና እና ባሬንቱማ በሚባሉ ሁለት ትላልቅ ጎሳዎች ስር የተደራጀ መሆኑን ጠቅሶ የቦረና እና የባሬንቱማ ልጆች እነማን እንደሆኑ በመዘርዘር ህዝባቸው በመብዛቱና አገራቸው በመራራቁ በተለያዩ ገዳዎች ስር መተዳደር መጀመራቸውን አትቷል፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት የቦረና ኦሮሞዎች ኦዳ ነቤን ማእከላቸው ሲያደርጉ ባሬንቱማዎች ደግሞ ማእከላቸውን ኦዳ በቡልቱም አድርገዋል፡፡ ያለምንም እፍረት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በቋንቋም በባህልም አይገናኝም በማለትህ እኛ አፍረንልሀል፡፡ ይህ ህዝብ የአንድ ቋንቋ ባለቤት፤ በገዳ ስርአት ሲተዳደር የነበረ እና አንድ ሃይማኖት “ዋቄፈና” የነበረው ህዝብ ነው፡፡ አንተም ሆንክ አባ ባህሪ፣ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘሩን ቆጥሮ ከአስራ አምስት እስከ ሃያ አባት ድረስ የትኛው ጎሳ ከየትኛው ቅርንጫፍ እንደሆነ እንደሚያውቅ ታውቃላችሁ፡፡ “ጋላ” የሚለው ቃል ኦሮሞን አይወክልም ብለህ ያቀረብከው ኦሮሞን ለመከፋፈል ካለህ ፍላጎት እንጂ ከኦሮሞ በስተቀር በዚህ ስም ሲሰደብ ወይም ሲጠራ የነበረ ሌላ ብሄርም ሆነ ብሄረሰብ የለም፡፡ አለመኖሩን በደንብ እያወክ ይሄን ህዝብ ለመከፋፈል ባለህ እኩይ አስተሳሰብ ህዝቡ በቋንቋም በባህልም ሆነ በዝርያ በጭራሽ አይገናኝም ማለትህ በእጅጉ የሚያሳፍር ነው፡፡
በዚህ ፅሁፍህ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ነገድ እንጂ የዘር ግንዱ አይተሳሰርም፡፡ ከአንድ የዘር ግንድ የወጣ አደለም፤ በቋንቋም በባህልም አይገናኝም ብለሃል፡፡ ይህ ትልቅ ስህተት ነው፡፡ ለፅሁፍህ ዋቢ ያደረከው በዋናነት የአባ ባህሪን መፀሀፍ ሲሆን፤ አባ ባህሪ ደግሞ ኦሮሞ ከአንድ የዘር ግንድ የተገኘ አንድ ህዝብ መሆኑን አልካደም፡፡ እንደውም ኦሮሞ ቦረና እና ባሬንቱማ በሚባሉ ሁለት ትላልቅ ጎሳዎች ስር የተደራጀ መሆኑን ጠቅሶ የቦረና እና የባሬንቱማ ልጆች እነማን እንደሆኑ በመዘርዘር ህዝባቸው በመብዛቱና አገራቸው በመራራቁ በተለያዩ ገዳዎች ስር መተዳደር መጀመራቸውን አትቷል፡፡ በዚህም መሰረት የቦረና ኦሮሞዎች ኦዳ ነቤን ማእከላቸው ሲያደርጉ ባሬንቱማዎች ደግሞ ማእከላቸውን ኦዳ በቡልቱም አድርገዋል፡፡ ያለምንም እፍረት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በቋንቋም በባህልም አይገናኝም በማለትህ እኛ አፍረንልሀል፡፡ ይህ ህዝብ የአንድ ቋንቋ ባለቤት፤ በገዳ ስርአት ሲተዳደር የነበረ እና አንድ ሃይማኖት “ዋቄፈና” የነበረው ህዝብ ነው፡፡ አንተም ሆንክ አባ ባህሪ፣ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ዘሩን ቆጥሮ ከአስራ አምስት እስከ ሃያ አባት ድረስ የትኛው ጎሳ ከየትኛው ቅርንጫፍ እንደሆነ እንደሚያውቅ ታውቃላችሁ፡፡ “ጋላ” የሚለው ቃል ኦሮሞን አይወክልም ብለህ ያቀረብከው ኦሮሞን ለመከፋፈል ካለህ ፍላጎት እንጂ ከኦሮሞ በስተቀር በዚህ ስም ሲሰደብ ወይም ሲጠራ የነበረ ሌላ ብሄርም ሆነ ብሄረሰብ የለም፡፡ አለመኖሩን በደንብ እያወክ ይሄን ህዝብ ለመከፋፈል ባለህ እኩይ አስተሳሰብ ህዝቡ በቋንቋም በባህልም ሆነ በዝርያ በጭራሽ አይገናኝም ማለትህ በእጅጉ የሚያሳፍር ነው፡፡
የገዳ ስርአት
የገዳ ስርዓት ስልጣን ከአንድ ቡድን ወደ ሌላ ቡድን በሰላማዊ መንገድ የሚተላለፍበት ስርዓት ነው፡፡ ይህ ስርዓት በየስምንት ዓመት እድሜ እርከን የስራ ድርሻ በመከፋፈል ህብረተሰቡን በአምስት የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ስር በማደራጀት አምስቱ ቡድኖች ተራ በተራ ለስምንት ዓመት የሚያስተዳድሩበት ስርዓት ነው፡፡ “በዚህ ሹመት ላይ ባለ ግዜ ውስጥ ሰው ካልገደለ ጠጉሩን አይላጭም ጉቱን አያሳድግም” ብለሃል፡፡ ይህ ከእውነት የራቀ እና ከጥላቻ የመነጨ አገላለፅ ነው፡፡ አንድ ጉዳይ ግን አለ፡፡ ሁሉም ሉባ የራሱ የሆነ የሚያከናውነው ተልዕኮ አለው፡፡ ለምሳሌ በጠላት የተያዘ መሬት ካለ የማስለቀቅ ግዴታ ስለሚኖርበት ያንን ጉዳይ እስካላከናወነ ድረስ እረፍት አይኖረውም፡፡
የገዳ ስርዓት ስልጣን ከአንድ ቡድን ወደ ሌላ ቡድን በሰላማዊ መንገድ የሚተላለፍበት ስርዓት ነው፡፡ ይህ ስርዓት በየስምንት ዓመት እድሜ እርከን የስራ ድርሻ በመከፋፈል ህብረተሰቡን በአምስት የፖለቲካ ፓርቲዎች ስር በማደራጀት አምስቱ ቡድኖች ተራ በተራ ለስምንት ዓመት የሚያስተዳድሩበት ስርዓት ነው፡፡ “በዚህ ሹመት ላይ ባለ ግዜ ውስጥ ሰው ካልገደለ ጠጉሩን አይላጭም ጉቱን አያሳድግም” ብለሃል፡፡ ይህ ከእውነት የራቀ እና ከጥላቻ የመነጨ አገላለፅ ነው፡፡ አንድ ጉዳይ ግን አለ፡፡ ሁሉም ሉባ የራሱ የሆነ የሚያከናውነው ተልዕኮ አለው፡፡ ለምሳሌ በጠላት የተያዘ መሬት ካለ የማስለቀቅ ግዴታ ስለሚኖርበት ያንን ጉዳይ እስካላከናወነ ድረስ እረፍት አይኖረውም፡፡
ገዳ የኦሮሞ መንግስ ስለሆነ ልክ ቡሽ የጀመረውን ጦርነት ኦባማ እንደሚጨርሰው ሁሉ የሙደና ገዳ የጀመረውን የሮበሌ ገዳ ይጨርሰዋል፡፡ ይህን ከአደራ ጋር የተሰጠውን ተልህኮ ሳያሳካ እረፍት አይኖረውም፡፡ ይህ ዳር ድንበሩን መከላከል እና የብሄሩን ክብር ማስጠበቅ እነ አባ ባህሪ በስርዐቱ ጥንካሬ ምክንያት በደረሰባቸው ሽንፈትየተነሳ የቻሉት ያህል ስርዐቱን አሉታዊ አስመስለው ስለፃፉ የስርዐቱ ዲሞክራሲያዊነት አያሳጣውም፡፡ የገዳ ስርዐት የኦሮሞን ህዝብ በእኩልነት እና በዲሞክራሲ እንዲኖር ያስቻለና በተሻለ አደረጃጀት የኦሮሞ ህዝብ በጎረቤቶቹ ላይ በጦርነት የበላይነትን ያጎናፀፈው በመሆኑ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ የሚጠሉ “አባ ባህሪዎች” እና ተሸናፊዎች ይህንን ስርዐት ሊወዱት አይችሉም፡፡
ሰለባ
መስለብ የሰሜቲኮችና የአማራ ባህል ነዉ። ማስርጃ ፩። በመጽሀፍ ቅዱስ መጽሀፈ ነገስት ዉስጥ ዳዊት የሳኦልን ልጅ ለማግባት የፊልስጤማዉያን ብልት ቆርጦ ማምጣቱ፥፥ ዳዊት የሰለሞን ኣባት ነዉ። የሰለሞን ልጆች ነን የሚሉት እነማን እንደሆኑ ማስረዳት አይጠበቅብንም። ማስርጃ ፪። በመጽሀፍ ቅዱስ የሀዋርያት ሥራ መጽሀፍ አንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ ጃንደረባ ወደ ኢየሩሳሌም ተጉዞ ነበር። ይህ ግዜ በግምት ፩ኛ ክፍለ ዘመን ነዉ። ሰዉየዉ ከሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ስለመሆኑም ግልጽ ነዉ። ማስርጃ ፫ ። ኮሎኔል አልኸንድሮ ዴል ባየ የተባለው የኢትዮጵያ ወዳጅ በጻፈዉ “ቀይ አንበሣ” በተሰኘዉ መጽሀፍ ውስጥ አማሮች ከ፲ እስከ ዕድሜ የሆኑ ህጻናትን ብልት እየሰለቡ የንጉሶች፣ የራሶች እና የፊታዉራሪዎች አገልጋይ ጃንደረባ ያደርጏቸዉ እንደነበር ጽፏል። ድምጻቸዉ ወደ ቀጭንነትም ስለምቀየር ቤቴ ክርስቲያን ዉስጥም ይቀድሱ እንደነበር ይታወቃል።
መስለብ የሰሜቲኮችና የአማራ ባህል ነዉ። ማስርጃ ፩። በመጽሀፍ ቅዱስ መጽሀፈ ነገስት ዉስጥ ዳዊት የሳኦልን ልጅ ለማግባት የፊልስጤማዉያን ብልት ቆርጦ ማምጣቱ፥፥ ዳዊት የሰለሞን ኣባት ነዉ። የሰለሞን ልጆች ነን የሚሉት እነማን እንደሆኑ ማስረዳት አይጠበቅብንም። ማስርጃ ፪። በመጽሀፍ ቅዱስ የሀዋርያት ሥራ መጽሀፍ አንድ ኢትዮጵያዊ ጃንደረባ ወደ ኢየሩሳሌም ተጉዞ ነበር። ይህ ግዜ በግምት ፩ኛ ክፍለ ዘመን ነዉ። ሰዉየዉ ከሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ስለመሆኑም ግልጽ ነዉ። ማስርጃ ፫ ። ኮሎኔል አልኸንድሮ ዴል ባየ የተባለው የኢትዮጵያ ወዳጅ በጻፈዉ “ቀይ አንበሣ” በተሰኘዉ መጽሀፍ ውስጥ አማሮች ከ፲ እስከ ዕድሜ የሆኑ ህጻናትን ብልት እየሰለቡ የንጉሶች፣ የራሶች እና የፊታዉራሪዎች አገልጋይ ጃንደረባ ያደርጏቸዉ እንደነበር ጽፏል። ድምጻቸዉ ወደ ቀጭንነትም ስለምቀየር ቤቴ ክርስቲያን ዉስጥም ይቀድሱ እንደነበር ይታወቃል።
ስልጣኔ
ሌላው በፅሁፍ ውስጥ ልትገልፀው የሞከርከው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ኃላቀር እንደሆነ ልታሳይ የሞከርከው ሙከራ ነው፡፡ በዚህ ሙከራ ዘላንነትን (አርብቶ አደርነት) የአኗኗር ዘይቤ መሆኑን ረስተህ እንደ ኃላቀርነት ለማየት መሞከርህ ምን ያህል ኃላቀር እንደሆንክ የሚያሳብቅ ነው፡፡ ክርስቲያን አለመሆን ወይም በአፍሪካዊ እምነት (ዋቄፈና) ተከታይ መሆንም ቢሆን ሊደነቅ እና ሊኮራበት የሚገባ እንጂ እንደ ኃላቀርነት ሊታይ አይችልም፡፡ የራስ የሆነ የእምነት ፍልስፍና የዛን ህዝብ ታላቅነት የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡
ሌላው በፅሁፍ ውስጥ ልትገልፀው የሞከርከው የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ኃላቀር እንደሆነ ልታሳይ የሞከርከው ሙከራ ነው፡፡ በዚህ ሙከራ ዘላንነትን (አርብቶ አደርነት) የአኗኗር ዘይቤ መሆኑን ረስተህ እንደ ኃላቀርነት ለማየት መሞከርህ ምን ያህል ኃላቀር እንደሆንክ የሚያሳብቅ ነው፡፡ ክርስቲያን አለመሆን ወይም በአፍሪካዊ እምነት (ዋቄፈና) ተከታይ መሆንም ቢሆን ሊደነቅ እና ሊኮራበት የሚገባ እንጂ እንደ ኃላቀርነት ሊታይ አይችልም፡፡ የራስ የሆነ የእምነት ፍልስፍና የዛን ህዝብ ታላቅነት የሚያሳይ ነው፡፡
አፄ ሚኒሊክ
1. ቡላቶቪች የተባለው ራሺያዊ በ1900 ከሚኒሊክ ጦር ጋር ዘምቶ የነበረ ሲሆን “Ethiopia though Russian Eyes” በተሰኘው መጸሀፉ የሚኒሊክ ወረራ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ቁጥር በግማሽ ያሳነሰ መሆኑን ጠቅሷል፡፡
1. ቡላቶቪች የተባለው ራሺያዊ በ1900 ከሚኒሊክ ጦር ጋር ዘምቶ የነበረ ሲሆን “Ethiopia though Russian Eyes” በተሰኘው መጸሀፉ የሚኒሊክ ወረራ የኦሮሞን ህዝብ ቁጥር በግማሽ ያሳነሰ መሆኑን ጠቅሷል፡፡
2. ማርቲን ዴሳልቫክ የተባለ ፈረንሳዊ የካቶሊክ ሚሺነሪ (1900) “The Oromo: An Ancient Africa Nation” በተባለው መጸሀፋቸው በዚህ ወረራ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ቁጥር በግምት ከአስር ሚሊየን ወደ አምስት ሚሊየን መውረዱን ገምቷል፡፡
3. August 18, 1895 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ አፄ ሚኒሊክ በኦሮሞ ላይ ዘመቻ በመክፈት ወንዶቹን በመፍጀት ሕፃናት እና ሴቶችን በባሪያነት መውሰድ በሰፊው ይተገበሩ እንደነበር ፅፏል፡፡
4. February 26, 1895 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ አሰቃቂው የሚኒሊክ ዘመቻ በሚል ርዕስ ስር ሰሞኑን ንጉስ ሚኒሊክ በኦሮሞ ህዝብ ላይ በደቡብ አቢሲኒያ የከፈቱት ዘመቻ 70,000 ሰዎችን በመግደል 15,000 መማረካቸውን ገልፀዋል፡፡
5. August 2,1874 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውወርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ የአቢሲንያ ባሪያዎች በሚል አርስት ስር በየዓመቱ ከ80,000 እስከ 90,000 የሚሆኑ ባሪያዎች በምፅዋ ወደብ በኩል ወደ ውጪ የሚሽጡ መሆኑን ጠቅሶ የባሪያ ነጋዴዎቹ ባሪያዎችን የሚገዙት ከነፍጠኞቹ ሲሆን ንጉሰ ነገስቱም የቀረጡ ተቋዳሽ መሆኑን ያትታል፡፡
6. አኖሌ ላይ የሦስት ሺህ ኦሮሞዎች እጅ እና ጡት ከማስቆረጣቸው በተጨማሪ በአደዋ ጦርነት የተማረኩ 800 የኤርትራ አስካሪዎችን ቀኝ እጅ እና ቀኝ እግር አስቆርጠዋል፡፡
7. November 7, 1909 እ.አ.አ የታተመው የኒውዮርክ ታይምስ ጋዜጣ በአርስቱ የአቢሲኒያው ንጉስ ሚኒሊክ በአሜሪካው የባቡር ሃዲድ ስራ ተቋራጭ ከፍተኛ የአክሲዮን ባለቤት ናቸው በማለት ወደ ዝርዝሩ ውስጥ ስንገባ ይህ የባቡር ሃዲድ አክሲዮን ከሃያ አምስት ሚሊዮን ዶላር በላይ መሆኑ እና ከዚህ በተጨማሪ በቤልጅየም እና እስካንዲኒቭያ ከተሞች የወርቅ አምራች ኩባንያ ውስጥ አክሲዮን እንዳላቸው ዘርዝረዋል፡፡ ይህ ሁሉ ንብረት ከዬት መጣ ብለን ብንጠይቅ ከተወረሩ ብሄር ብሄረሰቦች የተዘረፈ መሆኑ ግልፅ ነው፡፡ በዚሁ መሰረት የሚኒሊክ ወታደሮች ከአርሲ 66,000 የቀንድ ከብት (ፕሮፌሰር መኩሪያ ቡልቻ)፤ ከወላይታ 18,000 (ተሻለ) ከደቡብ ኦሞ 40,000 ከጂጂጋ 50,000 (ጆን ማርካኪስ) ወዘተ… የተዘረፈ ነው፡፡ ከ፩ ሚሊዮን በላይ ኢትዮጽያዊያኖችን በባርነት ሸጠዋል(መኩሪያ ቡልቻ)::
8. አፄ ሚኒሊክ ከምእራብ ኢንዲያ ወደ አዲስ አበባ መጥቶ የጥቁር ህዝብ መሪ ሁንልን ብሎ የጠየቀውን ቤኒቶ ሲልቪያን የተባለውን ሰውዬ እኔ ጥቁር አይደለሁም፡፡ ሴማዊ ነኝ በማለት አባረውታል፡፡ ሀይለስላሴም HO Davis የተባለው ታዋቂው የጥቁር መብት ታጋይ እና Marques Garvey የተባለው ጃማይካዊ የጥቁር መብት ታጋይ ባናገሩት ጊዜ እኔ የሰለሞን ዘር ነኝ በማለት አፍሪካዊነታቸውን ክደዋል፡፡ እነዚህ በአፍሪካዊነታቸው የማያምኑ፣ በአፍሪካዊነታቸው የሚያፍሩ የበታቸው ስነ ልቦታ የተጠናወታቸው እና በራሳቸው የማይተማመኑ ናቸው፡፡
9. ተወራሪው የደቡብ ህዝብ መሬቱን ተነጠቀ፤ ነፍጠኞቹ መሬቱን ተከፋፍለሁ ለሚፈልጉት ሰጡ፡፡ በሃብት ንብረቱ ላይ አዘዙበት ህዝቡ ወደ ባርነት ወረደ :: መሬት አልባ፣ ታሪክ አልባ፣ ባህል አልባ፣ ሀይማኖት አልባ፣ አረመኔ ህዝብ ብለው ሰደቡት፡፡
ያልተሳካዉ ፕሮጀክት
እናንተማ እጃቸውንና ጡታቸውን ቆርጠን አዋርደናቸዋል፤በማንነታቸዉ እንዲያፍሩ አድርገናቸዋል፤ ስነልቦናቸውን ሰልበናል፤ ቋንቋውን እና ባህሉን ቀብረናል ብላችሁ ተዝናንታችሁ ነበር:: “የዋሆች ምድርን ይወርሳሉ” የተባለው ቃል ይፈፀም ዘንዳ ግድ ነውና ከአንድ መቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት በኋላም ስነ፡ልቦናው፣ ቋንቋው፣ ማንነቱ፣ ባህሉም ተጎዳ እንጂ አልጠፋም:: ምንም እንኩዋን የወሎ ኦሮሞ ጎሳዎች የነበሩት እነ የጁ፣ ወረ ቃሉ፣ ወረ ሂመኖ፣ ወረ ባቦ፣ ወሎ፣ ወረ ሼህ፣ ለገ አምቦ፣ ራያ፣ እና አዜቦ የመሳሰሉትን ማንነታቸውን እና ቋንቋቸውን በማስቀየር ቢሳካላችሁም ከዘጠና በመቶ በላይ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ማንነቱ ያልተፋቀ በመሆኑ ፕሮጀክታችሁ ባለመሳካቱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ማንነት እንጂ ሌላ ማንነት የለም እያለችሁ ብታለቃቅሱ አይፈረድባችሁም::
እናንተማ እጃቸውንና ጡታቸውን ቆርጠን አዋርደናቸዋል፤በማንነታቸዉ እንዲያፍሩ አድርገናቸዋል፤ ስነልቦናቸውን ሰልበናል፤ ቋንቋውን እና ባህሉን ቀብረናል ብላችሁ ተዝናንታችሁ ነበር:: “የዋሆች ምድርን ይወርሳሉ” የተባለው ቃል ይፈፀም ዘንዳ ግድ ነውና ከአንድ መቶ ሰላሳ ዓመታት በኋላም ስነ፡ልቦናው፣ ቋንቋው፣ ማንነቱ፣ ባህሉም ተጎዳ እንጂ አልጠፋም:: ምንም እንኩዋን የወሎ ኦሮሞ ጎሳዎች የነበሩት እነ የጁ፣ ወረ ቃሉ፣ ወረ ሂመኖ፣ ወረ ባቦ፣ ወሎ፣ ወረ ሼህ፣ ለገ አምቦ፣ ራያ፣ እና አዜቦ የመሳሰሉትን ማንነታቸውን እና ቋንቋቸውን በማስቀየር ቢሳካላችሁም ከዘጠና በመቶ በላይ የኦሮሞ ህዝብ ማንነቱ ያልተፋቀ በመሆኑ ፕሮጀክታችሁ ባለመሳካቱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ማንነት እንጂ ሌላ ማንነት የለም እያለችሁ ብታለቃቅሱ አይፈረድባችሁም::
ማጠቃለያ
አሁን የሚታለቅሱት የተወራሪ ብሄርና ብሄርሰቦች ቋንቋ፣ ባህል፣ ሀይማኖትና ማንነት ለማጥፋት አያቶቻችሁ የነደፉት ፕሮጀክት ባለመሳካቱና የከተሞቹን ስም ለውጣችሁ፣ የሰዎችን ስም አስቀይራችሁ፤ ቀብረነዋል ብላችሁ ያሰባችሁት ህዝብ የወጠናችሁት ሁሉ ሳይሳካ ቀርተዋል። የጭቁን ህዝብ ትግል እያሸነፈ ሲመጣ የሚትጮሁ የፊውዳል ቡችሎች ሆይ እናንተ ትቀበራላችሁ እንጂ የሰፊው ህዝብ ቋንቋ፣ ሀይማኖት፣ ባሀል ይለመልማል እንጂ ወደ ኋላ ስለማይመለስ እርማችሁን አውጡ፡፡ አረመኔ፣ ኋላ ቀር፣ ያልተገረዘ፣ ወራሪ፣ ታሪክ አልባ፣ አገር አልባ፣ ዘላን ብላችሁ ብትሳደቡ የህዝቡን ቁጣ ከመቀስቀስ እና የህዝቦችን ተቻችሎ አብሮ መኖር እና ሠላምን ከማደፍረስ ውጪ የማንነት ስነ-ልቦና ልትጎዱ ስለማትችሉ በ130 ዓመት ውስጥ ያልተሳካው አሁን ሊሳካላቹ አይችልምና ለሞት የተቃረበ ሰው ከሚናዘዘው ኑዛዜ ለይተን አናየውም፡፡
አሁን የሚታለቅሱት የተወራሪ ብሄርና ብሄርሰቦች ቋንቋ፣ ባህል፣ ሀይማኖትና ማንነት ለማጥፋት አያቶቻችሁ የነደፉት ፕሮጀክት ባለመሳካቱና የከተሞቹን ስም ለውጣችሁ፣ የሰዎችን ስም አስቀይራችሁ፤ ቀብረነዋል ብላችሁ ያሰባችሁት ህዝብ የወጠናችሁት ሁሉ ሳይሳካ ቀርተዋል። የጭቁን ህዝብ ትግል እያሸነፈ ሲመጣ የሚትጮሁ የፊውዳል ቡችሎች ሆይ እናንተ ትቀበራላችሁ እንጂ የሰፊው ህዝብ ቋንቋ፣ ሀይማኖት፣ ባሀል ይለመልማል እንጂ ወደ ኋላ ስለማይመለስ እርማችሁን አውጡ፡፡ አረመኔ፣ ኋላ ቀር፣ ያልተገረዘ፣ ወራሪ፣ ታሪክ አልባ፣ አገር አልባ፣ ዘላን ብላችሁ ብትሳደቡ የህዝቡን ቁጣ ከመቀስቀስ እና የህዝቦችን ተቻችሎ አብሮ መኖር እና ሠላምን ከማደፍረስ ውጪ የማንነት ስነ-ልቦና ልትጎዱ ስለማትችሉ በ130 ዓመት ውስጥ ያልተሳካው አሁን ሊሳካላቹ አይችልምና ለሞት የተቃረበ ሰው ከሚናዘዘው ኑዛዜ ለይተን አናየውም፡፡
Saturday, February 22, 2014
Ethiopia’s Governing Party is Rotten to the Core
By Aklog Birara, PhD | February 21, 2014
The fundamental premise of this commentary is that only genuine commitment to FREEDOM and human rights of all citizens would assure Ethiopians sustainable and equitable growth and improvements in their lives. In turn, it is the institutionalization of these norms through free and fair elections that will establish a firm foundation for lasting peace and national reconciliation–singularly the most critical governance gaps in Ethiopia. Sadly, evolution toward this people-centered governance that I believe is essential for all Ethiopians is nowhere in sight if left to the governing party. The core group of this party believes that it can do no wrong. Instead of reform, the ruling party has gone haywire strengthening its spy network using the latest Internet technology to suppress any form of dissent and challenge. Revelations in the Washington Post that individuals in the US and the UK have filed suits against the Ethiopian government’s breach of domestic and international laws by spying and snooping on American, UK citizens and other citizens of Ethiopian origin says it all. Simply put, each member of the Diaspora is subjected to violation of her/his rights regardless of ethnicity, religious, age, gender and social status. This extension is an affront to civilized behavior and to our humanity. The post Meles TPLF/EPRDF is unable to reform itself willingly. This is because the rest of us are divided, fractured and spend as much time demeaning one another as we do blasting the ruling party. Why is this so important?
In this century, we see everywhere that durable peace and stability can only be imposed from the top down by force only temporarily. Elections can be manipulated and bought as was the case in 2007 only temporarily. The people of Syria are paying a huge price, including their lives and livelihood because they want freedom and democracy. The people of Ukraine are fighting their own government for the same thing. Stifling peaceful dissent for justice is universal and has no boundaries no matter how harsh people are treated.
We know that repressive governance has not bought the TPLF/EPRDF public confidence and or trust. In fact, it has alienated it from the vast majority totally. “Double digit” growth can occur but the benefits rarely trickle down; the beneficiaries are few. It is primarily those who run the state and or are aligned to the state. The governing party recruits members literally by paying them. It has no assurance that the 5 million members will sell their hearts and souls in the event a better alternative appears in the political theater. This was the case in 2005. Ordinary Ethiopians know all of these and more. They live with a dysfunctional government each and every day and are paying a huge price for it. This puts the burden of genuine democratic reform on the opposition and on civil society. Simply put, the opposition must stop a political tradition of brinkmanship, bickering and hair splitting. It must close ranks, set aside minor differences and agree on a unity of purpose to unseat the governing party and save the country from an impending social and political catastrophe. The next election is around the corner but work has not been done. What makes me think that conditions are ripe? The indicators are everywhere for anyone to see. But, this takes courage and commitment from civic, religious and political leaders whether at home or abroad. Creating an organization today and collapsing it the next day is not the answer. Worshipping one’s organization above country and above the Ethiopian people and demeaning others is not the answer. Seeking political power without a country or without the backing of the population is not the answer. The acid test of wise leadership and democratic-leaning change is the capacity to subordinate one’s private interest, ego and ambition to the common good. A country of 94 million people deserves wise and people-centered political, civic and religious leaders. Opposing the ruling party by itself is not enough. Offering a promising alternative is what the Ethiopian people are demanding.
I decided to write this commentary instead of the more academic and seemingly mundane continuation on the Dynamics of Conflict connected to the Doha Conference for a reason. Each of us who care about the country and the dire situation Ethiopians face today must speak up and encourage opposition groups and civil society including those in the Diaspora to show courage and change now not tomorrow. They need to agree on a unity of purpose or they will remain irrelevant regardless of how often and how fast they talk. All indicators are on their side. The Ethiopian state is rotting under the weight of a single party bureaucracy that is self-serving, repressive, exploitative, divisive, corrupt and immune to any form of criticism and reform. Fortunately for the vast majority of Ethiopians who have not benefitted from “double digit growth for a decade,” and for the divided and inept opposition, 2014 has not started as a good year for the governing party. I have absolutely no doubt in my mind that, given the high level of public appetite for representative and accountable government, a strong national opposition or opposition parties and civil society with substantially better and all inclusive organization, wise leadership and more promising policy alternatives will win in a landslide. The objective conditions are ripe for change. Below are a sample of globally recognized reasons.
Country Risk for Investors
The Economist’s Intelligence Survey on country risks identified Ethiopia as one of the riskiest in the world, with a rating of 3 out of 4. It means that the country suffers from poor fiscal and monetary policies…heavy borrowing and deficit financing, massive credit allocation with insignificant or no collateral, low taxes and domestic saving, an unbelievable level of illicit capital outflow. As a recent article by Al-Jazeera showed, Ethiopia demonstrates a semblance of glitzy growth without equitable and fair distribution of incomes and wealth and without a foundation of sustainability. Staples are out of rich for ordinary Ethiopians. Close to “90 percent of the population is poor” and most are destitute. Employment opportunities for youth and females have not kept pace with the workforce. Ethiopia needs to generate at least two million jobs a year for several decades. Otherwise, the educated will continue to leave in droves depriving the country of productive and creative human capital. The value or purchasing power of the Birr has been reduced several times. An anonymous article in Amharic says it all. “ሲስቅ እንዳልነበር በደስታ እስከ ዛሬ፤ ዋጋው ቢወርድበት የሱ ምንዛሬ፤ ሳንቲም ሆኖ መጣ ሊቀድ የእኛን ሱሪ.” የዝምባብዌን ሁኔታ ያስታውሰኛል። የዜጎች የመኖር አቅም ተንዷል። ስደት የወጣቱ ትውልድ እጣ ሆኗል።
Here is the bottom line. Ethiopia is one of the poorest and least developed countries on the planet, with a per capita income of $390 per annum. I have argued in previous articles that it is development outlier. Yet, it has a few millionaires whose wealth is morally and ethically questionable. Income inequality is alarming. The rich and superrich should know that they live in glass houses. Growth is basically narrow with high incomes and wealth for a few. One observer notes that “Apart from a few tax havens, there is no country in Africa that has attained a high standard of living on the basis of services (commodity exports, my addition) alone.” This is true for Ethiopia where the rich and super rich consume what they do not produce and call this miraculous growth. Investors cannot invest their capital in productive areas unless and until nationals are in a position to buy and consume. A policy bias in favor of exporting commodities without an assurance of food security does not change the structure of the economy no matter how fast and how high the “growth story” is propagated. The country won’t achieve food security no matter how much land is taken away from indigenous people to make room for state and foreign owned sugar plantations. Smallholders including indigenous communities must be empowered to be owners and producers. The current growth model shows that, whether foreign or domestic, investors focus on speculative and quick return areas rather than on sectors and sub-sectors that strengthen domestic productive capacities, national ownership of assets, job creation and sustainable boost of the Ethiopian middle class.
Food Insecurity
The ruling party has failed in making Ethiopia food self-sufficient. The country is more food insecure today than at any time after the current regime took power or comparatively speaking before. The UN Food Program states that 14 million Ethiopians continue to depend on international food aid. Oxfam and a special broadcast by a major American television network showed emaciated children and mothers emanating in the Ogaden afflicted by a hidden famine that the governing party denies. There are ominous signs that famine will spread to other parts of the country. This recurring phenomenon has been contained and or eliminated in many countries including India and China. Wolfgang Fengler a leading specialist at the World Bank, put the policy issue clearly. “This famine crisis in Ethiopia is man-made” and should have been addressed by the ruling-party within its Agriculture Development-led Industrialization framework. It has essentially abandoned this strategy in favor FDI in large-scale commercial agriculture. This latest strategy has created social, political and environmental havoc.
Bribery and corruption
No matter how one looks at it, the vast majority of Ethiopians are sickened by a state that is rotten to the core. State institutions are corrupt. The World Bank funded two studies, the latest in collaboration with DIFID of Britain, CIDA of Canada and the Netherlands; and another last year conducted by Kilimanjaro International. Both studies reveal the depth and breadth of unprecedented state condoned and at best ignored bribery, kickbacks and corruption. This institutional culture is bleeding Ethiopians. Three hundred fifty foreign investors were surveyed and reported that almost all state institutions: revenue and customs, water, sewage, telecommunication, electric power, licensing and procurement, judges, courts, police, foreign exchange authorities, municipalities, land and building licensing agencies, infrastructure construction suppliers and contractors etc. etc. are involved in corruption. You ask a simple question and offer an answer. Who is above board and above blame? None in government. Who then provides basic services to Ethiopians whether they live in urban or rural areas? It is hard to find an official above reproach. Who has integrity and ethnical value that goes beyond serving oneself, families, friends and those who cater to the governing party? It is each for herself of himself. What is the cost of all this to the society? It is not only billions of Birr; it is also moral decay. How can ordinary people afford to live under a state as rotten to the core as this? The vast majority are unable to eat three meals a day.
The latest World Bank draft report on corruption notes, “These employees ca get paid a maximum bribe of 20 to 30,000 Birr per incident.” It notes further that “Petty corruptions exist in every office” and ranges from “5,000 to 7,000 Birr” per transaction. This investigative report reveals what Ethiopians know from their life experience and have been complaining about for two decades. The fact that foreign investors complained has forced donors to conduct studies. They could have as easily and cost effectively surveyed Ethiopians who pay bribes to acquire basic services such as water, sewage, electricity and telecommunications. Government employees do not accept the fundamental administrative principle that they are paid salaries to serve the public. They do not have a model at the top of government of the decision-making who abides by the rule of law. Services are erratic and depend on power, connections, wealth and the capacity to pay bribes. This is why I suggest that the system is rotten to the core and cannot be cured without radical reform and accountable government.
Personal safety and insecurity
Whatever reasons drove us out of Ethiopia, there is one inescapable fact, we are all refugees either by choice or forced by those who rule the country. The statistics are staggering. Between 1990 and 2006, out of 3,700 Ethiopia-trained medical doctors, 3,000 left the country by choice. These are largely economic refugees as are all migrants to the Middle East, North Africa, Sudan and the rest. Others leave because of political, religious and other triggers. All journalists and many human rights advocates, academics, former government officials, spiritual leaders etc. left because of their independent views or because they did not subscribe to the dictates of the ruling party. Whatever the cause, Ethiopian society has lost and is losing fundamental assets, values, traditions, history, mores and experiences that distinguish the country from the rest of the world. One cannot buy or restore these critical assets and values once they are gone. The overarching reason for this continuing exodus or Brain-Drain is repressive governance and the stifling of freedom.
People must have freedom to debate, to vote and to negotiate. Cruel and repressive governance teaches us that enduring peace emanates solely from a just, inclusive and participatory government and state. The acid test in Ethiopia’s case today is whether or not the government is confident and bold enough to open-up social, economic, political and cultural space for everyone. I say this because the TPLF/EPRDF has outlived its value and legitimacy to govern the second most populous country in Africa and potentially one of the most prosperous. Ultimately, muzzling the entire society and stifling peaceful dissent is hugely risky for the country. In its 2014 assessment of freedom, the Committee to Protect Journalists says, “A year after the death of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn succeeded in preserving the repressive climate in Ethiopia. The country faced international condemnation over imprisonment of award-winning journalists Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Woubshet Taye, who were serving heavy terms on vague terrorism charges. Authorities continued to crack down on online press by increasing “technological capacity to filter, block, and monitor Internet and Mobile communication.” Similarly, Freedom House has repeatedly noted that Ethiopia is one of the “unfreest or least free countries” in the world, in terms of personal safety and security and in terms of private ownership of assets.
On the surface, Ethiopia has the appearance of peace and stability. However, social, religious and political fissures are everywhere to see. The ruling party uses diversity as a wedge rather than as an asset. Evidence shows that government has not tapped fully into the country’s immense diversity, natural resources, strategic location as a hub of the African continent and as a bridge to North Africa and the Middle East. It has not offered its youthful population—64 percent under 24—employment opportunity. It has not harnessed modern information technology that is transforming poor societies to tackle poverty, boosting the middle class and increasing incomes (Bangladesh, Kenya) etc. etc. The Ethiopian government is one of the few anywhere in the world to retain state control of the telecommunication sector, a cash cow that generates $300 million per year. “The absence of competition has seen a country of 94 million lag badly behind the rest of the continent in an industry that has generally burgeoned alongside economic growth…with mobile phone penetration of 70 percent in SSA compared to a paltry 2.5 percent in Ethiopia; internet access of 40 percent in Kenya.”
Modern IT opens windows for private enterprise and employment. It enhances freedom and facilitates knowledge transfer. It serves as an essential tool for youth to better themselves. It is at the heart of the quest for choice and freedom from poverty and oppression. Government unwillingness to give space, be all inclusive and unleash the creative potential of the country’s youth and harness the peace, gender (females) and information technology dividend, including freedom of expression, have diminished national social cohesion and deterred productivity and the emergence of a robust national private sector.
Africa Business quotes Guang Z Chen, World Bank Country Director, Ethiopia, who asked the Ethiopian government “to allow the private sector to play a bigger role in the economy.” Chen says, “For the country to continue to grow I strongly I believe industry has to take a much bigger role because there is no other country that I am aware of, aside from resource-rich countries, that can grow to middle income status with still 50 percent of GDP on agriculture.” Those with talent and experience leave the country in droves. The ruling party substitutes Ethiopians by inviting foreign investors, technical and professional staff and by staffing key posts with political cadres. The private sector suffers from lack of access to credit, foreign exchange, land, licenses and permits. Procurement of goods and services is not transparent or competitive. “Making credit available for the private sector is certainly one area the government can do more. The trend that worries us is that while the public investment (the biggest source of bribery, favoritism and corruption) as a share of GDP is increasing, the private sector as a share of GDP is decreasing” as are savings. Illicit outflow of scarce capital continues unabated, reducing capital resources.
By all measurements, the government fails to empower and unleash Ethiopia’s productive potential. It counters national cohesion and integration by pitying ethnic, political and religious groups against one another. This is the opposite of global trends. For example, Ghana outlawed ethnic political formation. Most Ghanaians trust their government officials; and have freedom to change their leaders through free and fair elections. Ethiopians do not trust their government. A 2010 Gallop Poll shows that trust in government and its institutions is among the lowest in Sub-Saharan Africa. Those with wealth are leaving the country in droves and voting against the government by not investing in their homeland. Only faith institutions such as Christianity and Islam garner trust and confidence. The governing party has tried to politicize them; both faiths are under constant harassment and threat.
Change must come from within
Ethiopia is one of the few countries in the world where social change has always come from within. The 1974 Revolution was a result of the Ethiopian Student’s Movement that galvanized the entire society. It was national and not ethnic or religious. It was transformative but not well designed, planned or executed. In this sense, the country has gone backwards: from a national to that of an ethnic political and social order. This entails risks and unintended consequences. Observers within and outside Ethiopia agree that the Socialist Military Dictatorship that toppled the Haile Selassie government in 1974 and ruled the country with an iron-fist for 17 years was among the most oppressive. Its leaders, leftist groups with different ideologies and motives, foreign sponsors, ethnic-based liberation movements, supporters of the defunct Imperial system and others turned the country into a blood bath. Most of those killed were patriots, social democrats, leftists and other change agents. Hundreds of thousands of young people were murdered; and hundreds of thousands fled. This period triggered the first wave of human capital flight at a massive scale. A trend was established. Before then, Ethiopians sent overseas for further education returned home. Today, an estimated 5.5 million Ethiopians—almost all with high school education and 1/3rd with college education–live and work in the two Sudans, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf, Western Europe, North America, Australia, New Zealand and numerous Sub-Saharan African countries. Ninety one percent of domestic workers in the GCC are Ethiopian females aged 20-30. In 2009, 42,000 Ethiopians, most of them young, left through Yemen; 80 percent of Ethiopia-trained physicians leave the country each year, etc.
Shouldn’t donors care for the rule of law or representative government?
While donors praise Ethiopia’s remarkable growth, albeit from a low base, human rights groups and unattached development experts question social benefits. “Meles engineered one party rule in effect for the TPLF and his Tigray inner circle, with complicity of other ethnic elites that were coopted into the ruling alliance….Ethiopia’s much praised economic development is not as robust or cost-free ….as the international community believes…The system was entirely dependent on central authority or command and control.” It will be impossible to receive aid without showing some growth. Education opportunities have expanded. The number of colleges and universities has increased. Roads, bridges, hydroelectric dams, etc. have been built. Equally, it will be unthinkable to siphon-off capital unless there is something to siphon.
Sharp criticism of “Ethiopia’s renaissance” is buffeted by others. Following the death of Prime Meles in August 2012, Halvorssen and Gladstein of Forbes critiqued donors and the Ethiopian government’s Anti-Terrorist Law. “Those in the West heaping praise on Zenawi—all living in societies that suffered so much to achieve individual liberty are engaging in dramatic hypocrisy.” In a 2009 UK Department of International Development sponsored study of Ethiopia’s growth Stefan Dercon and Ruth Vargas suggested that “The magnitude of this growth and the fact that it has been achieved with little change in input use suggests something is not right with the data on agriculture.” In 2012, the IMF questioned Ethiopia’s growth sustainability. “The sustainability of Ethiopia’s growth model over the medium term is uncertain, given the constraints on private sector development, the absence of savings incentives, lack of financial reform, etc.” Despite these policy and structural limitations, the government argues that export-driven growth is possible without a robust domestic private sector. Critics argue that mega projects (hydro) to export and generate foreign exchange do not respond to the real need of improving smallholder agricultural productivity, domestic agriculture-based industrialization and employment generation. The counter view is that such state and party-led growth cannot create sustainability without competition and participation.
If we accept the thesis that Ethiopia’s development story is not “as robust and cost free” as the government and donors claim, what is root cause of the flawed policy? It is lack of freedom and predictability that private property is protected by law and cannot be affected by political decisions. Private sector development is virtually impossible without a favorable investment regulatory system that levels the playing field. The rule of law and the judicial system must be above the party, sacrosanct and predictable. In 2013, the country ranked “49.4 percent, making its economy the 146th, among the least free in the world. It has gone down by 2.6 %; lower in 6 of 10 indices: trade, workers’ rights, financial movement, investment, etc.” It ranks 32nd out of 46 African countries. “Regulatory efficiency remains weak, creating an unfavorable climate for entreprunial activity…The foundations of economic freedom are quite fragile, particularly because of pervasive corruption and a deficient judicial system…Corruption further undermines the foundation of economic freedom” for the Ethiopian private sector. It goes without saying that such an environment operates in the “dark” and limits productivity and efficiency severely. Both the country and consumers suffer.
Human Rights Watch has done more than any human rights organization to show the flaws in the nexus between of massive aid inflow on the one hand, discrimination, nepotism, corruption and repression on the other. “Development aid flows through, and supports a virtual one-party state with a deplorable human rights record. Government practices include jailing and silencing critics and media, enacting laws to undermine human rights activity, and hobbling the political system. Aid is routinely used to punish opponents and reward supporters. Massive amounts of money is siphoned-off for private gain. The effect of this on the population is substantial. “The Ethiopian population pays a heavy price for this approach in development.” The 2005 elections that the opposition won and then lost through a political decision is a prime example. Similarly, in 2010, “the EPRDF won 99.6 percent of parliamentary seats,” making a mockery of the electoral process. Competition was not allowed.
TPLF/EPRDF Members Need to Air their Voices
Hope among Ethiopians that the ruling party would be open to reform has evaporated. “Ethiopian authorities have subjected political detainees to torture and other ill-treatment at the main detention center in Addis Ababa.” In a 70 page report, Human Rights Watch “documents serious human rights abuses, unlawful interrogation tactics…beatings, torture and coerced confessions.” The court system caters to the party alone. “Ethiopia’s courts are politicized and lack independence.” Their role is to serve the ruling party and not to administer justice. “Beatings, torture and coerced confession are no way to deal with journalists or the political opposition—Ethiopia’s Constitution and international legal commitments require officials to protect all detainees from mistreatment….Real change demands action from the highest levels of government against those responsible to root out the underlying culture of impunity.” This impunity is expansive. Bribery, ethnic-based nepotism, high corruption and illicit outflow of funds stem from the system itself. High officials and top military officers operate above the law and all are vested in the system that enriches them.
Top officials of the governing party do not see anything wrong with their manipulation of the Constitution and with violation of human rights contained in international agreements. Following the aftermath of the 2005 elections in which 200 young and innocent Ethiopians were massacred, Ana Gomes, member of the European Parliament and Head of the EU Election Team to Ethiopia saw the danger of impunity as a political culture. She concluded, “As long as the Meles regime is in power, I will never believe in an election in Ethiopia.” Meles is gone but his legacy remains intact. Measured in terms of freedom, human rights, transparency, fair and open political and economic competition and rampant and systemic corruption, the country is worse off than it was in 2005 and 2010. To his credit, Prime Minister Hailemariam Dessalegn is fully cognizant of the dangers the country faces in one area of poor-governance, namely, corruption. A few high officials have been arrested. However, corruption is systemic. Those at the top of the corruption culture are protected by a system that feeds their wealth. The development strategy of relentless public investment offers a window of opportunity for theft, graft, kickbacks, corruption and illicit outflow through procurement, customs etc. The system is infected from the top down. It will not stop until and unless the system is overhauled radically.
Radical reform means political reform; a modern monitoring system; and the establishment of an independent oversight consisting of civil society and prominent individuals with impeccable integrity. Transparency International, UNDP and Global Financial Integrity provided documentary evidence showing systemic corruption that requires real commitment to hold corrupt officials at the top and private individuals accountable, including freezing their assets. “The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming against the current of illicit capital leakage.”
Ethiopia faces intractable vulnerabilities and risks
The hurdle Ethiopia faces on the economic front is equally prevalent on the human rights front. “Rather than working to build a development strategy grounded in human rights, the Ethiopian government is attempting to hoodwink its human rights record, leaving unmentioned its Villagization Program and the Anti-Terrorist Proclamation—both used by the government as significant justification for forced resettlement, arbitrary detention, and politically motivated arrests. Tools used in implementing projects reinforce violation of human rights and the uprooting of indigenous people from their lands,” all in the name of development “without freedom.” The lack of people-centered development contributes directly to the prevailing phenomenon of growth for the few and gaping inequity that will feed into and cause social unrest similar to Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Egypt, Syria and rest. Here is the good news, Ethiopian society has overcome its veil of fear imposed by the system. Opposition groups, spiritual leaders and others are openly critical of the government. Peaceful protests are common. Some of the party’s hard core supporters are critical of corruption and open favoritism in hiring and licensing. On February 8, 2014, Binyam Kebede, an ardent interlocutor of the ruling party offered blunt critique of the disaster the party and society are facing. In “ኢህአዴግ ክብደት ካልቀነሰ ለህይወቱ ያሰጋዋል።” His central argument is that the ruling party has literally stopped serving the public. On the contrary, the party has “imposed a burdensome and crushing bureaucracy on citizens extracting rent, demanding bribes and not providing basic services….It has morphed and does not listen to its own electorate….There is a dark and ominous distance between the ruling party and the public.” This cadre is saying what dissidents and opposition parties have been saying for years.
Think tanks such as Human Rights Watch and Oakland Institute do not see sustainable development unless human rights and freedoms are protected by law and enforced by the government. The genie of corruption and fear is out of the box and the quest for freedom is unstoppable. The option is not more repression. It is opening-up political and social space sooner than later. In sum, “No Human Rights=No Development and no stability.”
Monday, February 17, 2014
Ethiopia says hijacking ‘beggars belief,’ names hijacker, Co-Pilot Hailemedehin Abera Tagegn
February 17, 2014, ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia (Rappler) – Ethiopia’s government on Monday named the co-pilot of an Ethiopian Airlines flight who hijacked his aircraft, describing him as “medically sane” and saying the incident “beggars belief”.
Information Minister Redwan Hussein named the hijacker as 31-year-old Hailemedehin Abera Tagegn, and said he had been working with the national carrier for 5 years and had no criminal record.
“So far it is known that he was medically sane, until otherwise is proven through the investigation which is going on right now,” the minister told reporters.
“So the intention, what forced him to hijack his own plane, still beggars belief… any political, social or economic reason would not make sense to hijack your plane and be a criminal,” he said.
“We don’t see any criminal record… and there was no reason for him to be prosecuted so there was no reason for him to flee,” he added.
The minister said the passengers included 139 Italians, 11 Americans, 10 Ethiopians as well as nationals from Nigeria, Romania, France, Ireland, Germany and other countries.
Source: Rappler
Here is what Redwan Hussein said earlier about the hijack, on Aljazeera
Ethiopian Airlines flight 702 bound for Rome from Addis Ababa was reportedly denied permission to land and circled Geneva for several minutes before it was “forced to proceed” to the airport, which had been temporarily closed by authorities.
An Ethiopian government spokesman, Redwan Hussein, told Reuters that the flight had made a scheduled stop in the Sudanese capital, Khartoum, where it was originally thought the hijacker or hijackers may have boarded the flight.
“We don’t know where they are from or how many they are but it looks like the hijacker or hijackers boarded the flight in Khartoum,” Redwan added shortly before police announced they had detained the assailant.
Reports on social media said Ethiopian Airlines flight was flying over Sudan when it issued a distress signal, Squawk 7500, which is code indicating a hijacking.
Source: Aljazeera
Thursday, February 13, 2014
Bekele Nadhi, a pioneer Oromo leader and activist, dies at 80
By Mohammed Ademo
(OPride) – Bekele Nadhi, a prominent lawyer and fierce Oromo rights activist, who was among the pioneer founders of the Macha Tulama Association (MTA) passed away at his home in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on Tuesday from heart complications. He was 80.
Over the last 50 years, since the founding of the MTA until his death, Bekele served in various leadership capacities, including as a president, vice president, honorary president and most recently legal advisor, according to statements from the organization.
The MTA was formed in 1964 as a grassroots-based pan-Oromo organization to promote socio-economic development across Oromia, the Oromo country, and to emancipate the Oromo from cultural marginalization, political oppression, and economic exploitation. The Oromo are Ethiopia's single largest ethno-national group.
A watershed event in Oromo history, the creation of the MTA allowed Oromo activists to mobilize their resources and unite disparate resistance movements against feudal oppression. Its founders played a monumental role in the Oromo reawakening, not least through the publication of a fervently revolutionary literature. The organization attracted Oromo luminaries, including martyrs Mamo Mazamir and Baro Tumsa as well as former Oromo Liberation Front leaders such as Lencho Lata, Ibsa Gutama and Taha Abdi.
But it was during the organization’s turbulent episodes that Bekele’s able leadership and dedication was felt the most. The MTA was repeatedly banned under three successive Ethiopian regimes. Time and again, Bekele played the role of a savior, courageously steering the organization out of the stormy seas. He was the steady hand that manned the ship in its greatest hour of need.
In 1967, when the then Haile Selassie regime arrested its core leadership and banned the MTA at the peak of the organization’s ascendancy, the defiant Bekele clandestinely organized activists to ensure continuity. He was later elected vice president when the organization's founding father and longest serving president Colonel Alemu Qixessaa was released from prison. In early 2000s, upon the Colonel's passing, Bekele led the organization as its interim president for a period of one year.
But it was during the organization’s turbulent episodes that Bekele’s able leadership and dedication was felt the most. The MTA was repeatedly banned under three successive Ethiopian regimes. Time and again, Bekele played the role of a savior, courageously steering the organization out of the stormy seas. He was the steady hand that manned the ship in its greatest hour of need.
In 1967, when the then Haile Selassie regime arrested its core leadership and banned the MTA at the peak of the organization’s ascendancy, the defiant Bekele clandestinely organized activists to ensure continuity. He was later elected vice president when the organization's founding father and longest serving president Colonel Alemu Qixessaa was released from prison. In early 2000s, upon the Colonel's passing, Bekele led the organization as its interim president for a period of one year.
He subsequently stepped down and passed on the torch to Dr. Gemechu Megersa. Shortly there after, the organization was embroiled in a rare spate of internal disputes, once again requiring Bekele's seasoned intervention, ending with an early election.
In 2004, Ethiopia's ruling party, the EPRDF, once again arrested Dr. Gemechu's successor, Diribi Demissie along with other senior leadership for alleged 'political' activities. The banning of the organization followed suit, the last nail in the coffin of independent Oromo civic and open activism. The octogenarian Bekele would not relent, even at an advanced age. He offered his place of business for board meeting and relentlessly campaigned for the release of its leaders and the reopening of the organization.
Born and raised in Addis Ababa, the cosmopolitan Bekele was also remarkable in many other respects. Decade after decade, how he led his life and carried himself around served as a relentless reminder of Addis Ababa's Oromo identity – an inspiration for the Oromo and a thorn in the throat of his detractors. This has endeared him to friends and even those who disagreed with his political views. In addition to his more than a half-century of activism and leadership, Bekele often facilitated a return of the body of Oromo expats who passed away abroad, including the late Sisay Ibsa.
Born and raised in Addis Ababa, the cosmopolitan Bekele was also remarkable in many other respects. Decade after decade, how he led his life and carried himself around served as a relentless reminder of Addis Ababa's Oromo identity – an inspiration for the Oromo and a thorn in the throat of his detractors. This has endeared him to friends and even those who disagreed with his political views. In addition to his more than a half-century of activism and leadership, Bekele often facilitated a return of the body of Oromo expats who passed away abroad, including the late Sisay Ibsa.
Bekele was a father of four children, including two surviving daughters. According to Oromo elder Lube Birru, Bekele treasured Oromo culture so much so that each time he left the city he would join wedding parties uninvited to learn about traditional Oromo wedding ceremonies.
Obbo Lubee recalled one historic case from Bekele’s long legal career. It was during Haile Selassie ’srule. Bekele represented a group of 80 farmers who were evicted from their farmland in from the Arsi province. When the local court ruled against the farmers, Bekele managed to present the case beforethe emperor at the Zufan Chilot – an appeal “court” where the monarch himself gave the ruling.Anticipating an unfavorable judgment, Bekele apparently advised his clients on how to react to the ruling. “Oh, Waaqa!We will not ask this court to review our case again…we gave you this case,” the farmers cried upon hearing the king’s verdict. “Oh! Waaqa, May you be the ultimate righteous judge!”As the farmers exited the court, petrified, Haile Selassie asked Bekele to bring them back and reversed his decision. And they were allowed to keep their land.
Bekele was fiercely independent, patient and truly loyal, according to emailed obituary from the MTA. "He lived a principled life dedicated to the service of others," the statement said. "His legacy and heroism will continue to reverberate and inspire for generations to come."
A memorial service will be held at the Saris Abo Church in central Addis Ababa on Feb. 13, 2014, according to the organizers.
A U.S.-based nonprofit, the Macha-Tulama Cooperative and Development Association, is commemorating the 50th Anniversary of the founding of MTA on August 1, 2014 in Washington, DC.
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