Thursday, March 13, 2014

የኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ይዞታ ግምገማ

march13/2014


በኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ይዞታ ላይ ያተኮረ ውይይት ጄኔቭ ስዊትዘርላንድ ውስጥ ዛሬ ተካሂዷል ። የተለያዩ ዓለም ዓቀፍ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተሟጋች ድርጅቶች ባዘጋጁት በዚሁ ውይይት ላይ በኢትዮጵያ ይፈፀማሉ የተባሉ የሰብዓዊ መብት ጥሰቶች በዝርዝር ቀርበዋል።
Karte Äthiopien englisch
መንግሥት የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዙን እንዲያሻሽል ያግዛሉ የተባሉ ሃሳቦችም ተሰንዝረዋል ። በስበሰባው ላይ የተካፈሉት የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ተወካዮች ለተሰነዘሩት ወቀሳዎች የበኩላቸውን መልስ መስጠታቸው ተገልጿል ።በኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ላይ ያተኮረው ውይይት ዛሬ የተደረገው ከ25,ተኛው የተባበሩት መንግሥታት የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ኮሚሽን ጉባኤ ጎን ለጎን ነው ። የውይይቱ ዓላማም በኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ይዞታ ላይ ያተኮረ ዝርዝር ዘገባ ለተባበሩት መንግሥታት የሰብዓዊ መብቶች ኮሚሽን በመጪው ግንቦት ከመቅረቡ አስቀድሞ ስለሃገሪቱ የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዝ ግንዛቤ ማስጨበጥ ነው ። ስበስባውን ካዘጋጁት ዓለምዓቀፍ ድርጅቶች አንዱ መቀመጫውን ጆሃንስበርግ ደቡብ አፍሪቃ ያደረገው ሲቪኩስ የተባለው ድርጅት የፖሊሲና የጥብቅና ጉዳዮች መኮንን ቶር ሆድንፌልድ ስብሰባው በተለይ በሶስት ጉዳዮች ላይ ትኩረት ሰጥቶ መወያየቱን ለዶቼቬለ ተናግረዋል ።
ከነዚህም እጎአ በ2009 ዓም የወጣው የበጎ አድራጎት ድርጅቶችና የሲቪክ ማህበራት ህግ አንዱ ነው ። ህጉ ከባድ ተፅዕኖ ማሳደሩና መዘዞቹም በውይይቱ መነሳታቸውን ሆድንፌልድ ገልፀዋል ። « በኢትዮጵያ ለሰብዓዊ መብት ለሚታገሉ ድርጅቶች በሚለገሰው ዓለም ዓቀፍ የገንዘብ እርዳታ ላይ በተጣሉትን ገደቦች ላይ ተነጋገግረናል በዚህ ህግ ምክንያት በኢትዮጵያ ዓለም ኦቀፍ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተከራካሪ ድርጅቶች አይሰሩም ። በርካታ የኢትዮጵያ የሰብዓዊ መብት ተከራካሪ ድርጅቶችም ከሰብዓዊ መብት ጋር የተገናኙ ሥራዎች ማካሄድ አቁመዋል ወይንም ከነጭራሹ ተዘግተዋል »
መድረኩ ትኩረት ሰጥቶ የተወያየበት ሌላው ጉዳይ ደግሞ ሃሳብን በነፃ የመግለፅ መብት ላይ ያደርጋል የተባለው ጫና ነበር ።
«ያለ ፍርድ ቤት ትዕዛዝ ከተገቢው የህግ ሂደት ውጭ እንዲሁም በልዩ ደንቦች ሃሳብን በነፃ የመግለፅ መብት ላይ የተጣሉትን ገደቦችም በውይይቱ ተነስተዋል ። በተለይ ስብሰባው በኢትዮጵያ 12 ጋዜጠኞች በቨረ ሽብሩ ህግ ምክንያት መከሰሰሳቸውኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ በህጋዊ መንገድ የጋዜጠኝነት ተግባራቸውን ሲያከናውኑ ርዕዮት ዓለሙና እስክንድር ነጋ የመታሰራቸውም ጉዳይ ላይም ትኩረት ሰጥቶ ተነጋግሯል ።
ሆድንፌልድ እንደሚሉት በውይይቱ በኢትዮጵያ የነጻ ሚዲያ መገደብም ተነስቷል ። በጎርጎሮሳውያኑ 2012 5ጋዜጦች መዘጋታቸው በአሁኑ ሰዓትም ኢንተርኔ ት ከሚጠበቀው በላይ ቅድመ ምርመራ ይካሄድበታል ዓለም ዓቀፍ መገናኛ ብዙሃንንና የሰብዓዊ መብት ጉዳዮችን የሚያነሱ ድረገፆች በኢትዮጵያ እንዳይሰሙና እንዳይታዩ በመንግሥት ይታገዳሉ ሲሉ ተወያዮቹ መገለፃቸውን ተናግረዋል ሆድንፌልድ የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት የሰብዓዊ መብት አያያዙን እንያሽሽልም ሃሳቦች ተሰንዝረዋል ።
« 2009 ዓም የበጎ አድራጎት ና የሲቪክ ማህበራት መተዳደሪያ ደንብ እንዲሰረዝ ወይም እንዲሻሻል ሁለተኛ የፀረ ሽብር ህግ በደል መፈፀሚያና ጋዜጠኖችን ማፈኛ እንዳይሆን እንዲሰረዝ በፀረ ሽብሩ ሕግ ምክንያት የታሰሩ ጋዜጠኞችና የሰብዓዊ መብት ተከራካሪዎች በሙሉ እንዲፈቱ እንዲሁም ተቃዋሚዎችና ሰላማዊ ሰልፈኞች ከሚቀጥለው ዓመት ምርጫ በፊት የመሰብሰብ መብታቸውን እንዲጠቀሙ እንዲደረግ ሃሳብ ቀርቧል ።»
ዶቼቬለ ስለ ውይይቱ ና ስለተሰጡት አስተያየቶች የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ተወካዮችን ለማነጋገር ያደረገው ሙከራ አልተሳካም ። ሆኖም በውይይቱ ላይ የተካፈሉት የሰብዓዊ መብት ተመራማሪው አቶ ያሬድ ኃይለ ማርያም ያኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ተወካዮችለመድረኩ የሰጡትን አስተያየት አጋርተውናል ።
ሂሩት መለሰ
ተኬሌ የኋላ

Wednesday, March 12, 2014

TPLF is Spying on You

HACKERS WITHOUT BORDERS - NewYorker
Before Edward Snowden sparked a global debate about government surveillance, it was a fact of life for Tadesse Kersmo. During Ethiopia’s national elections, in 2005, he and his wife campaigned for the country’s pro-democracy party, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, which achieved a sweeping victory in the capital of Addis Ababa. But, when the results were overturned and protests broke out amid allegations of fraud, the ruling party quickly began cracking down on the opposition. Observers from the European Union reported extensive human-rights violations in the months that followed, including nearly two hundred demonstrators killed by security forces and tens of thousands more imprisoned.
Kersmo evaded arrest and moved to the countryside, but his ties to the opposition subjected him to continued threats, harassment, and intense monitoring long after the election. “It is common wisdom that the phones are tapped,” he told me, in a tired baritone, over Skype. “People would call me and tell me, ‘We are following you, we know what you’re doing, we know where you are.’ ” On three separate occasions between 2005 and 2007, Kersmo was detained and beaten. At one point, he was told that his family would find his dead body in the streets, because the prisons were filled to capacity. When that seemed imminent, in 2009, Kersmo and his wife fled to the U.K., where they were granted asylum. There he continued his work as a university lecturer and a senior member of Ginbot 7, an exiled pro-democracy party that the Ethiopian government labelled a terrorist group in 2011, under a vague and widely condemned proclamation.
Kersmo and his wife thought that their new life in the U.K. would take them out of the government’s sights. But, in April of last year, Kersmo read a report from the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, a nonprofit research group that scans the Internet to expose government-sponsored spyware and cyberattacks, showing evidence of a malware campaign targeting Ethiopian dissidents. The report describes a malicious file that, when opened, silently installs monitoring software on the victim’s computer. When Kersmo noticed that the malware “baited” its victims using photos of Ginbot 7 members, including those of himself, he decided to have his machine examined by Citizen Lab.
The group found traces of FinSpy, part of an “intrusion” software suite known as FinFisher, which first made headlines in 2011, after a sales contract was discovered inside the headquarters of the Egyptian secret police, following the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak. The spyware was capable of stealthily transmitting Kersmo’s chats, Web searches, files, e-mails, and Skype calls to a server somewhere in Ethiopia. “The feeling was shock—that they are still following us, even here,” Kersmo told me. “It goes beyond my personal security. All Ethiopians living in the U.K., United States, and elsewhere are unsafe now.”
The other week, Privacy International, a U.K.-based human-rights organization, filed a criminal complaint on Kersmo’s behalf, making him the first U.K. resident to challenge the use of hacking tools by a foreign power. “This case would be important to all refugees who end up in countries where they think they are safe,” Alinda Vermeer, a lawyer with Privacy International, who filed Kersmo’s complaint, told me in a phone interview. That sense of safety is illusory, she said, because countries armed with tools like FinSpy insure that refugees “can be spied on in an equally intrusive way as they were back at home.” Worse, the surveillance also reveals with whom the victims have been communicating, potentially endangering the lives of contacts and relatives still residing in their home country.
Kersmo’s dilemma is becoming more common, particularly among journalists and activists seeking political freedoms beyond their country’s borders. The Electronic Frontier Foundation recently filed a suit similar to Kersmo’s against the Ethiopian government, on behalf of a U.S. citizen living near Washington, D.C., where most of the country’s Ethiopian-American population lives. (Fearing government reprisal, the plaintiff asked to use a common Ethiopian name, “Kidane,” as a pseudonym during the proceedings.) In a different report, released last month, Citizen Lab revealed evidence of an attack on Ethiopian Satellite Television, a news service with offices in the U.S. that serves as an alternative to state-controlled media in Ethiopia. A mysterious source had made three attempts to send malicious files to employees, claiming that they were news articles; the files contained a small program that exploits a security flaw in Microsoft’s Windows operating system, allowing it to silently install Remote Control System, a spyware tool similar to FinSpy.
The growing surveillance-technology industry—including the companies Gamma International and Hacking Team, the European developers of FinSpy and Remote Control System—has been valued at five billion dollars. Proponents defend such commercial spyware by noting that it helps authorities catch terrorists and other serious criminals. But Gamma will not disclose which countries it sells its products to, nor is it particularly eager to take responsibility for how they are used. In 2012, Martin J. Muench, the company’s founder, told Bloomberg News that his company has “no control; once it’s out there it’s basically with the country” to use the tools ethically. (Gamma did not respond to a request for comment.)
The Milan-based Hacking Team claims that it monitors its software, and has the ability to disable functionality if it believes that clients “have used Hacking Team technology to facilitate gross human rights abuses.” According to its customer policy, the company’s sales are reviewed by “an outside panel of technical experts and legal advisors,” which looks for “red flags,” including “credible government or non-government reports reflecting that a potential customer could use surveillance technologies to facilitate human rights abuses.” Like Gamma, Hacking Team also refuses to name which countries use its products, but it denied allegations in a recent report by Citizen Lab that claimed Remote Control System was used in twenty-one countries, including Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan. A spokesperson, Eric Rabe, told Mashable that the Citizen Lab report is “not an accurate list of nations where Hacking Team clients are located,” but refused to elaborate on the company’s vetting process.
Regardless, the increased scrutiny of commercial spyware has led some countries to tighten regulations regarding its sale, particularly across national borders. In 2012, the U.K. government informed Gamma, which has offices in Andover, England, that it needs to obtain licenses to sell FinSpy outside the country, citing laws that control the export of cryptography. Alinda Vermeer, of Privacy International, explained that, while export controls under the Wassenaar Arrangement—which regulates weapons and technologies with potential military applications within forty-one nations—were recently updated to restrict spyware, the new terms haven’t yet been adopted by all participating countries. This means that, while future deals will be regulated in some countries, past purchases and current efforts from spyware companies around the world have relatively few rules to follow—and more people like Kersmo are bound to get caught in the crosshairs. “There is a social obligation for corporations,” Kersmo said. “Selling this kind of software to irresponsible governments is irresponsible.”
By Joshua Kopstein - a cyberculture journalist from New York City.

Friday, March 7, 2014

Martha Kuwee Kumsa: The Unsung heroine and Iron Lady!

(Jun 17, 2006)
Martha Kuwee Kumsa is standing in front of her social work students at Wilfrid Laurier University in Waterloo. Out of the corner of one eye, the Ethiopian-born woman catches sight of a man in uniform lingering in the hall. She continues her lecture, but her heart beats faster and her breathing becomes heavier. Then she gets a clear view of the man — and it’s a university security officer, not a soldier come to drag her away. She relaxes.
“It’s amazing how the brain works and the body responds,” the soft-spoken Kumsa says of the triggers she has learned to cope with over the years.
Martha Kuwee Kumsa of Kitchener is at home in Canada, but still has strong feelings about her native Ethiopia. For years she had long dreadlocks, but two months ago she cut them off in a symbolic gesture.
Terror, struggle, pain and grief have all been part of a long journey in which she lost her husband, her home and sense of security.
Two months ago, in an act symbolic of those losses, she lifted her dreadlocks and cut them off.
Kumsa, 51, who now lives in Kitchener, had let her hair grow since moving to Canada and starting work on her PhD. This spring, however, she decided a woman her age shouldn’t have hair down to her buttocks.
Kumsa knows now, however, that there was more to the haircut than that. In Ethiopia, women who cut their hair are often in mourning.Image
Martha Kumsa was born in Dembi Dollo, a small town 800 kilometres southwest of the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, near the border of Sudan.
The youngest daughter of a Presbyterian minister, she was named Martha after the Christian nurse who delivered her. The name she holds close to her heart is her middle name, Kuwee, the name of a heroine in Oromo history. But Kumsa wasn’t allowed to go by Kuwee in Ethiopia, where the Oromo people, the largest ethnic group in the country, are still struggling for equality.
When Kumsa finished high school, she moved to Addis Ababa to attend university. She hoped to become an engineer, but in early 1974, shortly after her arrival in the capital, Ethiopia erupted in revolution. The aging emperor, Haile Selassie, was replaced by a Marxist government and Kumsa and other students
took to the streets to support his removal from power.
One day, helicopters circled above the crowds.
“We climbed trees running for cover, thinking that they were going to bomb us,” Kumsa remembers. But instead it was pamphlets that rained down, a sign the new military government wanted the protesting students on its side. “It was one of the most exciting moments for me,” Kumsa said. “Even today, I look for something to come down when I see a helicopter.”
Like many of the revolutionaries, Kumsa thought denouncing the emperor meant denouncing the West, that embracing socialism meant land for the poor. The new regime did nationalize private and church-owned property, but then landlords rebelled. In response, the government closed the universities and students were put to work on the land.
Around this time, Kumsa trained as a journalist with the Lutheran World Federation in Addis Ababa. She also married Leenco Lata, a chemical engineer. They had their first child in 1975 and they named her Huriya after an Arabic word for liberation and freedom.
“We felt we were reclaiming our history,” Kumsa says. “The future seemed vibrant. It was the best time of our lives.”
But the bliss would not last. In 1977, the dictatorship of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam unleashed what became known as the Red Terror. Anyone suspected of counter-revolutionary acts was deemed an enemy. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians were held, tortured and executed.
Kumsa, who by then was pregnant with her third child, remembers passing bodies in the streets.
Her husband became a leader of the Oromo Liberation Movement and active in the resistance. Four times in six months, he was kidnapped during the night.The couple’s two-year-old son, Robale, would grab Kumsa’s legs and scream as his father was carted away.
“To this day, my son can’t sleep without a light on,” Kumsa says.
ImageMartha Kuwee Kumsa and her three children posed for this photo in 1989. The children are (from left): Robale, Huriya and Goli. All three came to Canada with her in 1991.
Three times, Lata was brought home after being tortured. The fourth time, he didn’t come back.
“I was turning bodies in the street to find him,” Kumsa says. “There was no body I didn’t turn over. I went all over the place looking for him.”
When her baby was finally born, she named her Goli, the Oromo word for terror.
Kumsa searched for Lata for a year. Family members and friends shunned her, afraid they’d be hauled off to jail or death if they spoke to her.
“I felt so alienated and alone in the world.”
She continued her job at an Oromo newspaper, where she wrote a column that encouraged Oromo women to take back their cultural traditions.
One day in 1980, Kumsa said goodbye as usual to her son and two daughters and went to work. The children were then ages three, two and one. She would not hold them again for seven years.
When Kumsa arrived at work that day, four men in plainclothes met her at the elevator. She recognized them as the same security force members who had recently arrested a colleague and never brought him back.
“My heart started racing,” Kumsa says.
The men blocked her way and told her they wanted to ask a few questions. One man showed her a badge.
“I froze in terror. I didn’t know anyone who had come back. I thought this was the end of me.”
The men threw Kumsa into a car and blindfolded her before speeding away. When the blindfold was finally ripped off, she was inside a security forces building and being dragged down a grey corridor and into a crowded room.
She was shocked to see people on the floor, bleeding from their mouths. Their faces were disfigured and pus oozed from wounds. The stench was overpowering.
“I was thrown into a living hell,” Kumsa says.
Soon after, in what became the torture room, she was asked if she was involved in the resistance. She denied it.
Blindfolded and with her hands tied, Kumsa was ordered to sit on the floor and wrap her arms around her knees. She was gagged with a blood-soaked sock.
Then, with a rope around her body, she was lifted and flipped over so that her bare heels faced the ceiling.
Her captors struck her soles with a whip made of a hippopotamus tail. She screamed, but with the gag the sound was more like a whimper. Then a solution was sprayed on her feet.
“The burning, God Almighty,” she says. “You want to jump through the roof. They want to make you feel the beating again.”
During all the punching, slapping and burning, her tormentors kept asking whether she was part of a political movement. They were trying to break her body and spirit, and eventually they did.
It happened the day she was made to watch the torture of a minister, a man who was a friend.
“I broke down . . . It was like hearing a person yelp like a dog every time the whip touched him.”
Kumsa, then 24, says she was taken to the torture room 10 times in the first year after her arrest. She was then moved to the prison that would be her home for almost nine years.
It was her home during the famine of the mid-1980s when one million Ethiopians died. She wasn’t told about the famine, but knew something was wrong because of changes in the food being smuggled into the jail by prisoners’ families and friends. Pasta was soaked in water and ground up to make bread.
Kumsa was never charged, never tried, never officially told why she lost her freedom. But she considered herself one of the lucky ones, spared death because she was a journalist.
Many of her fellow prisoners vanished, taken away after their names were heard over a loudspeaker.
“There was no pattern or control of anything you did there,” Kumsa says. “You couldn’t predict the next five minutes.”
She taught herself French in prison and then taught it to others. With books, she learned Tigrigna, the official language of the prison. She also taught biology, geography and math to prisoners and to the sons and daughters of prison administrators.
“The best minds were in prison,” she says. “It was the best school in the country.”
Meanwhile, her own children were shuffled among family members. When Kumsa found out they were in Addis Ababa, she concocted a plan to see them.
“I pretended I was sick. I told them I had a toothache and I screamed and cried.”
With help from Amnesty International and other human rights groups, and from imprisoned relatives of the former emperor, Kumsa was allowed to leave prison for treatment. Guards were then bribed so her children could get into the hospital where the tooth was pulled.
“The two older kids ran to me,” Kumsa said. “They hugged and cried and I screamed. But the youngest one, she stood there. I ran to her and she pushed me away.”
Despite her harrowing life as a prisoner, Kumsa says she felt her greatest pain when Goli, the youngest daughter, spat in her face. Goli had only been a year old when her mother was arrested and felt abandoned.
“If this is my mother, I don’t want a mother,” the girl said.
The reunion lasted only 15 minutes, but soon after the prison began allowing monthly visits to prisoners. Kumsa’s children would wait all day to see their mother, sometimes without ever reaching the front of the line.
“I would see them from afar, but then they would be chased away when time was up.”
After several years in the prison, Kumsa began to understand how hard Amnesty and PEN, a group that helps writers around the world, were working to free her. She would receive postcards that read: “We know about you. You are not alone.”
The postcards brought her joy.
“Somebody knows about me,” she remembers thinking. “I’m not totally forgotten. How wonderful and uplifting it was to know someone knew of me.”
The late Canadian novelist Timothy Findley was a frequent writer, always sending the same message: “Hope against despair” and Kumsa still calls him her “Canadian father.”
One Saturday morning, Kumsa was washing her hair, preparing for a Sunday visit with her children, when she heard her name over the loudspeaker. It was Sept. 10, 1989. She wrapped her hair in a towel and ran.
“When you hear your name, you have to jump and run. If it’s death, you run to death. And if it’s release, it’s freedom you are running to.”
At the front door of the prison, a bus was waiting. Other prisoners started jumping with excitement, but Kumsa was wary.
“What if it was execution?” she wondered.
She and other political prisoners were driven in the direction of the security forces headquarters, the place where Kumsa had been tortured. For a brief moment, Kumsa thought freedom might be at hand, since being set free meant processing paperwork at headquarters.
When the bus drove by the building, a silence fell over the prisoners.
“You could see the physical terror. People were looking at each other. It was not release.”
Kumsa jumped to her feet, yelling at her friends: “We will die like human beings. We will spit in their face.”
The bus came to a stop in front of red stone building surrounded by a tall, iron fence topped with spikes. As the gate opened, Kumsa saw journalists with notepads and cameras.
“Are they going to document our execution?” she wondered.
Then she saw a general and watched his lips move as she tried to absorb the words she had waited so long to hear.
“You are free from this moment on,” the general said.
The prisoners stood like statues, so the general repeated his words.
Then, as if being jolted from a deep sleep, the crowd rose. Men clapped and the woman ululated in unison.
“It’s a moment I will never forget,” Kumsa says.
Close to 90 political prisoners and 400 other convicts were released that day. Mixed with Kumsa’s happiness was anger over bring robbed of 10 years, with no explanation, no apology and no help returning to normal life.
“Where do I go now? I didn’t know whether I was happy or sad.”
Kumsa went to the home of a missionary, where she learned that even the most mundane tasks were no longer easy.
“I hadn’t opened a door in 10 years. I didn’t have the confidence in me to do it. It was such a huge effort to reach out and grab the door and open it.”
She was reunited with her children, but there was no word from her husband, who she believed was still alive. And she had no job or money to support a family.
Ethiopia’s government, meanwhile, was in disarray and the political climate remained dangerous. Kumsa was approached by radical militants who wanted her to attend training camps.
“I knew that I was dead if I refused, and I will die if I accept,” she said. “If I have to die, I will run for dear life.”
So seven months after her release, Kumsa and her children, helped by PEN and Amnesty, made their escape.
They were driven 700 kilometres south toward Kenya and dropped off in woods near the border. For two weeks, the family walked through dense bush, dodging soldiers until they reached safety across the border.
“I thought, ‘Oh my God, what have I done? Why did I take my kids?”‘
She and the children were in Kenya five months before they were accepted by Canada in September 1991.
Meanwhile, the Ethiopia government of Mengistu had crumbled. Several opposition forces had united as the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and it had taken over the country in May 1991.
Lata was part of a team negotiating the transition to the new government. He called Kumsa from London in July that year to let her know he was alive. Kumsa hadn’t seen him in 13 years.
“I was angry and happy. I didn’t want to talk to him, but I couldn’t resist.”
While she was in prison, she learned, Lata had been working for the liberation of the Oromo people, living at different times in Kenya, Somalia and Djibouti.
Two days before Kumsa and the children were to leave for Canada, he visited them in Kenya. He had never even see his youngest daughter, now a teenager.
Kumsa went to the airport alone to meet him, waiting for two hours until she saw him in the distance, with a cigarette in his hand. She wanted to scold him for abandoning her.
“I wanted to be angry, but it wouldn’t come. I ran like crazy to him. It felt like 13 years had been 13 seconds. It was as if we hadn’t been separated. It was a magical click.”
Kumsa wished she could return to Ethiopia with Lata to be part of the new leadership in her country. But she and the children came to Canada.
“When they needed me the most, I left my country,” she says. “I felt I was really needed there, but I chose my children.”
One year later, the Ethiopian coalition was falling apart. The Oromo Liberation Front withdrew from the government, disappointed with the delay in bringing democracy to the country.
Lata moved to London in 1993, then three years later joined his family in Canada.
In Canada, Kumsa reclaimed Kuwee, her Oromo name. For the first year, the family was sponsored by PEN, Amnesty and a Toronto church, but it was not an easy time.
“I wanted to be a mother to my kids, she said. “I had been denied this experience.”
But the children were still angry about their childhood without parents and took it out on their mother.
With the help of a student loan and two part-time jobs, Kumsa enrolled at York University during her second year in Canada. She got a bachelor’s degree in social work in 1996, the same year that she received a human rights award from the New York-based group, Human Rights Watch. A master’s degree from the University of Toronto came a year later.
In 2002, Kumsa was hired for a teaching post at Wilfrid Laurier University, but continued to work on her PhD at the University of Toronto and received that in 2004.
In Waterloo, Lata worked as a freelance writer, producing two books on the political climate of Ethiopia.
But he began to see Canada as a kind of prison. With only a temporary resident permit, he wasn’t allowed to attend school or get a job.
Nor could he become a Canadian citizen, Kumsa says, because as a member of the Oromo Liberation Front he had fought to overthrow the Ethiopian government.
“It’s a real shame,” says Isobel Harry, executive director of PEN Canada, who has heard Lata speak at conferences and describes him as a scholar.
“It’s a real hardship for Martha and her family.”
Federal government officials won’t comment on Lata’s case.
Kumsa knew that sooner of later her husband would leave Canada. And last August, he moved to Norway, a country he finds more sympathetic to the struggles within Ethiopia. From there he continues to work on the plight of the Oromo people.
Kumsa believes that her destiny, too, is wrapped up in Ethiopia. She would love to join her husband, the man she calls her jewel, to fight for recognition of the Oromo people.
There have been times since she cut her hair when she has wondered if she is ready to run again.
“My spirit is up. My wings are up, but I don’t know where I will be landing.”
She may even live in Ethiopia someday. But she said she won’t feel safe there until the Oromo people are fully recognized.
For now, however, Kumsa is content not to run.
Her three children are university-educated and she now enjoys a close relationship with Goli, who will begin practising law this summer.
Together, they are working on a research project about Oromo youth and how they identify themselves in Canadian society.
Kumsa is also studying Oromo spirituality and ancient birthing rituals. She will present a paper next month at a conference in Nigeria. Most of her research centres on the immigrant’s sense of belonging and identity.
“I’ve been running after things and from things,” Kumsa says.
“I need to slow down. I want this to be my home.”
Still, the walls of her university office are bare and few photographs adorn her home.
“I never feel settled,” she says.
“I feel like I’m living with one foot out of the door.”

Tuesday, March 4, 2014

A NEW TV NETWORK FOR ETHIOPIA’S LARGEST ETHNIC GROUP

OMN2014_Feb22

March 3, 2014, Finfinnee (Addis Standard) — Oromia Media Network (OMN), explained by its founders as “an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit news enterprise whose mission is to produce original, impartial, citizen-driven reporting,” was inaugurated on March 1st 2014.
OMN is based in Minneapolis, Minnesota, where the largest and most active Ethiopian origin ethnic Oromo Diaspora lives. “The goal of this network is to create multilingual news and programs that will serve as a reliable source of information in the greater horn of Africa region,” reads a statement from the founders that include Dr. Hamza Abdurezak , Chairman of Board of Trustees and Girma Tadesse, Executive Director.
According to the founders, OMN has a structural governing body that consists of the Board of Trustees, Executive Council and Editorial Board. The Board of Trustees is supervisory body of OMN, while the Executive Council is responsible for the overall management of the organization. The Editorial Board is charged with the development and production of news and other programs.
“We hold ourselves to the highest journalistic standards but unabashedly and proudly offer a uniquely Oromo perspective. We also aim to connect the growing Oromo diaspora to its homeland using innovative digital tools and people-centered storytelling techniques. Our high quality, high-impact multimedia content will be available in easily accessible formats including on the web, mobile devices, social media, satellite television and radio.”
Source: Addis Standard

Monday, March 3, 2014

Migrant dies in Saudi detention centre riot


Saudi campaign to expel undocumented foreign workers comes after decades of lax immigration enforcement [EPA]
Saudi campaign to expel undocumented foreign workers comes after decades of lax immigration enforcement [EPA]
March 3, 2014 (Aljazeera) — Officials say that one was killed and nine others injured when chaos broke out at a deportation centre in Jeddah.
A migrant has died and nine others have been wounded in a stampede during a riot at a Saudi detention centre in the west of the kingdom, police have said.
Police said on Monday that they had attempted to restore calm on Sunday evening at al-Shumaisi detention centre in the Red Sea city of Jeddah where undocumented migrants of various nationalities are held pending deportation.
Detainees “tried to cause chaos… resulting in damages to the centre,” Mecca police spokesman Commander Ati al-Qurashi told AFP news agency.
He did not elaborate on the nature of the disturbances but said that police “had to intervene” and that a migrant was killed and nine others wounded in a “stampede”.
The spokesman did not provide further details on the nationalities of the casualties, the number of migrants held at the deportation centre, or the progress made in their deportation procedures.
The Saudi migrants sweep has sparked violence before. In November, at least one Ethiopian and a Sudanese were killed in clashes between migrant workers protesting the crackdown and vigilante Saudis in the capital Riyadh. Similar clashes also broke out in Jeddah when police searched the area for migrants.
The deportations are part of a Saudi campaign to expel undocumented foreign workers after decades of lax immigration enforcement allowed migrants to take many low-wage jobs that the kingdom’s own citizens shunned. Saudi authorities, grappling with growing unemployment, now want those jobs for the kingdom’s citizens.
Police have been cracking down on undocumented migrants since the expiration in early November of a seven-month amnesty during which they had to regularise their status or leave the country.
Nearly a million migrants from various countries took advantage of the amnesty to leave voluntarily, while another four million were able to find employers to sponsor them, a legal requirement in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states.
The Saudi government says it has deported more than a quarter-million migrants since the government began enforcing its crackdown.
Around 170,000 of those are Ethiopians, most of whom never acquired visas, often taking perilous boat journeys across the Gulf of Aden to Yemen from where they cross illegally into the kingdom with the help of smugglers.
Human Rights Watch has criticised the conditions of detainees awaiting deportation in the kingdom. The rights group last month said more than 12,000 Somali migrants were held under “appalling conditions” before they were deported from Saudi Arabia.
The majority of foreign workers in the kingdom are from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia and the Philippines, as well as Egypt and Yemen.
Source: Aljazeera

Sunday, March 2, 2014

Letter: To all human beings who are human, By Journalist Wubushet Taye (Zeway Prison)


Journalist Woubshet Taye is incarcerated in Ethiopia over his works
Journalist Woubshet Taye is incarcerated in Ethiopia over his works
March 2, 2014 (Premium Times): “Discussing these types of issues is forbidden,” said the warder rudely and added, “You are only allowed to discuss family matters”. You might suspect that these words were spoken by one of our beloved mother Ethiopia’s prison officers. However, they are actually taken from Maxim Gorky’s 1906 story Mother (page 102). The story was written 108 years ago – so very long ago! But it doesn’t seem so long to us – why? Because what we are living through now is even worse. And it is worrying how fast things are deteriorating.
Prison is now where everything leads. Every day we are told by the media that what is needed is “strong measures; measures to ensure it won’t happen again; measures to remove etc”. These words are not legal principles but are spoken in hate. These statements, which are only a fraction away from a declaration of systematic state terror, are especially damaging for those of us who are held in Ethiopia’s prisons.
Following programmes which have been broadcast about ‘revolutionary measures’ on ETV, horrible things – which could upset so many families if I listed them here – are being carried out in a calculated manner. Let’s take a look at some of them. We are denied permission to be placed in prisons close to our relatives. Zeway is the Ethiopian version of a Siberian prison. After travelling across the lowlands to reach our ‘Siberia’, our families have to undergo a tiresome and intrusive search before they can eventually see the prisoner. When they do so, officials are listening in, even to talk about family matters. We hug and kiss our children even when the prison officers look disapproving. Even though the insults and intimidation that follow these displays of affection are not too bad, our children get scared. Our fear comes across to them. They always go back home feeling upset.
Even though the time allocated for visits is clearly specified, we are often told “Enough! Wind it up soon”, just as we’ve started talking. Since the aim is clearly to torment us, intimidate us and punish us, we are not allowed to have more than 100 birr (about $5 US), even if we need more to buy toiletries, spices, tea and coffee, underwear, water purifiers etc. This only happens in Zeway prison. This is how our human rights are violated.
I graduated from high school in Zeway. I have many friends and relatives here but local people are only allowed to visit us once a week (on Wednesdays). Over time, they [friends from the town] stop visiting, scared off by the intimidating questions: ‘Where did you meet him? How do you know him? Why are you always visiting him?’
The town is very hot. Nevertheless, 150 prisoners are held in one room here. As a result, it is unbelievable how easily insects and fleas move from person to person, reproducing fast. It doesn’t make me feel good to talk about this; but it isn’t a film, it’s a true story that is happening to the sons of mother Ethiopia. We can only pray that the worst does not happen.
In fact, the worst is already here. They give us tasteless food. There is a water shortage despite the fact that the prison is right by Zeway Lake. It is like a prison within a prison. All of us, including the Generals and other military officers [who are jailed there], are held in a dark room. It might be possible to tolerate all of this patiently. But we are speaking out because every Ethiopian, everyone who has a religion, everyone who fears God, everyone who cares about the respect of basic human rights, must know what is being done to us. We’re being pushed towards our deaths.
Just a month ago, Nathnael Mekonnen, the young Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) party member, was sent to Kality for medical treatment. He was sent back to Zeway the same day at 11:00pm without having received any treatment. The Ethiopian National Unity Party (ENUP) member, Zerihun G.Egziabher, was also referred to a hospital but hasn’t yet been treated, though he is suffering as a result of his illness. My kidney problems, which I have mentioned before, are now making it hard for me to sit or stand; if the authorities had found enough humanity to let me get treatment rather than rush me back to Zeway, it could have given me relief and them contentment.
Other people have died. Among the children of mother Ethiopia who have been denied medical attention and have passed away are Colonel Tesfaye Hailu and engineer, Kifle Sinshaw, both of whom were being held with the Generals and military officials [in jail], Ahmed Nejashi, a member of the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC) party led by Mererra Gudhina, Tesfahun Chemeda, who was held in same the dark room, and an old man from the Benishangul Gumuz region. How can people be denied medical attention!? Where did these individuals, who have themselves struggled against oppression in their lives but are now in power, learn to be happy because others are in pain? What would the Ethiopian people say? What would all human beings who are human say?
God Bless Ethiopia!

Source: Premium Times

Thursday, February 27, 2014

Exceptions to the democratic rule Sweden is not Ethiopia, but pretending that they have nothing in common does no one any favours.

The Swedish journalists were released after 438 days in an Ethiopian jail [AFP]
In 2012, after having been sentenced to 11 years in prison for "terrorism" for illegally entering Ethiopia from Somalia in the presence of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, Swedish journalists Johan Persson and Martin Schibbye took the advice of their legal council, confessed to their "crimes" and requested an official pardon. It was a pragmatic move - both journalists vehemently denied the charges and considered any confession to be a charade - taken to save their own skins.
The request was granted, and the journalists were released after 438 days in jail. Their capture, trial, imprisonment and subsequent release were, as one would expect, all big news stories in Sweden. As told in the media, the Persson/Schibbye story followed a standard trope: Backward, undemocratic Africa versus progressive, democratic Sweden. Human rights violators versus human rights defenders. And, frankly, who could argue with that framing of events? 

Gender inequality persists in Swedish boardrooms
Persson and Schibbye, as it turns out. Upon their return to Sweden, the two reporters, while naturally critical of the Ethiopian regime, spared no words in their critique of Sweden. Schibbiye, for example, had this to say:
"Relations between Sweden and Ethiopia have never been as good as they are now. After having imprisoned two Swedish journalists for 14 months, some kind of reconciliation has taken place. We are in a new phase and H&M and Ikea will be starting up there (in Ethiopia)."
Schibbye also noted in a recent public lecture in Uppsala that he and Persson were told by Swedish officials that there was no way the Swedish government would sacrifice their relations with Ethiopia over their case, no matter how blatant the injustice (hence the suggestion that the two men falsely "confess"). And, Johan Persson made note of how treatment of journalists and whistleblowers in the supposedly "developed" world helped to justify their treatment:
"This double-standard… just look at the USA where whisteblowers are chased all over the world and threatened with life in prison. That is the problem. Ethiopia can always say, 'We are no worse than you'."
While their imprisonment and release garnered much attention, their critique of the relationship between Swedish diplomacy and economic interests in an authoritarian regime did not. Interestingly, and perhaps lesser-known, is the fact that the journalists were in Ethiopia to investigate allegations of human rights abuses by the Sweden-based Lundin Petrolium. 
Undemocratic thuggery
The Persson/Schibbye case is one of many in recent years where international authoritarianism is viewed by media in, for example, Europe and the United States with a superior, disapproving shake of the head, while domestic or regional rights violations (or turning a blind eye to such violations in "allied" states) are often dismissed as exceptions which prove the democratic rule. 
Jailing journalists for 14 months? Undemocratic thuggery. Negotiating with those same undemocratic officials to further privately-owned economic interests? Good diplomacy. 
Persson's point about Snowden - which can also be made about Chelsea ManningBarrett Brown andJeremy Hammond- is key: The imprisonment and threatened imprisonment of individuals who have blown the whistle on perceived injustices not only undermines the credibility of the governments who pursue these people, it also calls into question the consistency of media which lament a lack of democratic values in Country X while significant violations take place, in relative media silence, in their own Backyard Y. 
This is not to say that the presence of a functional Guantanamo prison - in any way - justifies the killing of 88 protesters in Ukraine. Nor does it suggest that coverage of Kiev, Gezi, Cairo or Rio is de facto inaccurate because the death penalty does not get enough critical press in the US.
But, as I noted in a piece on Turkey, those engaged in the suppression of democratic rights often point to both journalists and politicians in Europe and US and accuse them of double-standards. And we have provided them with that ammunition. Sweden is not Ethiopia, but pretending that they have nothing in common does no one any favours.
I have also made the argument that one of the problems with coverage of recent global protests has been ashort-term perspective: When the images are hot and sexy, there is attention (for a good discussion on "disaster porn" in relation to Ukraine, see the piece by Sarah Kendzior and reaction from Emily Bell), but when the far less sexy long-term process of democratisation begins, media attention fades.
This leaves us with images of Brazil, Turkey, Egypt and Ukraine as rooted in protest and violence, divorced from any semblance of progress. But there is more. These images are enhanced and solidified by an unwillingness to confront, in a comprehensive fashion, our own violent, anti-democratic tendencies - from drones to weapons exports to the death penalty.
This unwillingness allows us to take a position of righteous indignation rife with hypocrisy.
Christian Christensen is Professor of Journalism at Stockholm University, Sweden.
The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy.
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